the restrictions on commerce than, perhaps, any other power on the continent. She was at war with that country from 1805 to 1810, when she was compelled to accede to the continental system, though on account of the nature of her western coast, it was, never, in reality enforced. But in the beginning of 1812, French troops occupied Swedish Pomerania, and shortly after, Sweden joined the coalition of England and Russia against Napoleon; so that, in fact, the commerce of the United States with Sweden was scarcely at all interrupted except by the acts of our own government, during the eight years that preceded the downfall of the French Emperor.

CHAPTER VIII.

TREATY OF 1783 WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

Lord North attempts a Peace-America early conquered every thing she sought-Members of Parliament see Franklin privately—Ministry, as well as opposition against acknowledgment of Independence -Lord Chatham speaks against it—Mediation of European courts —-Unsuccessful—Austria and Russia not in favour of Independence —General Conway's resolution—Decides the question of War—New Ministry—Oswald and Grenville sent to Paris-Not officiallyFailed-Shelburne's Administration--Oswald instructed to acknowledge the Independence—Adams, Franklin, Jay, Laurens, and Jefferson authorized to treat--Meet at Paris--Difficulty as to loyalists -Make a compromise through violation of instructions-Conclude a Treaty-Boundaries—Fisheries—Agreed to Treaty without consulting France-Violation of Instructions—Explained—France and Spain desirous of Fisheries and Western Country-Treaty honourable and favourable to America-Unpopular in England—Ministry in minority on first division--Necessary sacrifice.

THE war, that led to the independence of the American co- ' lonies, began in 1775. The fatal celebrity, of having commenced hostilities, belongs to the administration, of which Lord North was first lord of the treasury, though the origin of the dispute may be traced to an earlier period in English history. For nearly four years, this administration had successfully withstood the accumulated disasters of the war abroad;

and at home, they had resisted with equal good fortune all the efforts of an opposition, as powerful by its talents, as any that had appeared since the days of Sir Robert Walpole. From November "74, to February "78, we find the ministry engaged in more than fifty angry, protracted debates, on topics directly connected with America; for no subject had, till that time, attracted so much of the attention of the British Parliament, or of the civilized world. But there is little variety in the progress, and none in the result of these different propositions. When we have read the debate on the memorable provisional act of Lord Chatham in the Lords, or the still more celebrated resolutions of Mr. Burke for conciliation with America, in the House of Commons, both made in the early part of the contest, we have little to learn either of the manner, in which motions were treated, or of the fate to which they were consigned. Thus matters stood till the beginning of the year "78. At that time a very unfavourable change took place in American affairs, and in the tone of the British ministry;Burgoyne had surrendered; and an alliance was formed with France. One other act, the capture of Cornwallis, completed, as far as England was concerned, the revolution. The administration at this period made a decided effort for peace, and, in that point of view, an account of the business properly belongs to this work. In the month of February of the same year, Lord North, as unexpectedly to his friends as his enemies, suddenly developed a plan, entirely matured, of abandoning the principles upon which he had heretofore conducted the affairs of the colonies in North America. In introducing what were called his "conciliatory propositions" into the House of Commons, he declared it to be the intention of government to send a commission to America, to treat with the Congress, to grant pardons and immunities, to restore to the colonies their ancient charters, to exempt them from taxation, and not to require them to renounce their independence, till the treaty had been ratified by the king and parliament.A writer of the day observes:

"A dull melancholy silence succeeded to the speech made by Lord North on this occasion. It had been heard with profound attention, but without a single mark of approbation to any part from any description of men, or any particular man in the house. Astonishment, dejection and fear overclouded the whole assembly. Although the minister had declared that the sentiments he expressed that day, had been those which he always entertained, it is certain that few or none had understood him in that manner; and he had been represented to the nation at large as the person in it the most tenacious of those parliamentary rights, which he now proposed to resign, and the most remote from the submissions which he now proposed to make.”

Mr. Fox, who followed Lord North in the debate, congratulated the public on the conversion of the minister, and his own party on having gained so powerful an auxiliary. These terms, in fact, contained all the stipulations the first Congress, assembled in Philadelphia in "74, proposed to accomplish. America had, in reality, conquered at this early day every thing for which she originally took up arms. The declaration of Congress, of July 4th, "76, constituted no part of the original requisitions or grievances of this country, for the war, in the outset, was certainly not undertaken for independence.

It appears, also, that propositions were made about this time to Dr. Franklin, the American commissioner, by Mr. William Pultney, a member of parliament, who saw him at Paris, under the assumed name of Williams. The terms did not differ from those with which Lord North proposed to invest the commissioners. Another member of parliament, a Mr. Chapman, had a conversation with Dr. Franklin on the same subject. This gentleman was at great pains to collect information touching a peace; and he made such proposals, in relation to independence and commercial privileges, as were then fashionable in England. The American commissioners in Europe, at that period, had no power to treat with Great Britain; but Dr. Franklin informed Mr. Pultney, that,

in his opinion, America would not make a peace in which her independence was not formally recognized.

England was anxious to separate the colonies from France, and to re-establish her dominion over them. But there were few people in that country in '78, disposed entirely to resign the control of her ancient possessions. The ministry had resolved never to acknowledge the celebrated act of the American Congress of July "76. From every other opinion and resolution they had been gradually driven by the goadings of the opposition, and calamities of every description in the course of the war. Peace the Americans could have had at any moment after '78;-every grievance would have been redressed; the mother country required no other condition from the colonies, than that they should subject themselves to the navigation act, or should enter into such commercial arrangements, as would have given to the trade of Great Britain superior advantages to that of other nations. The power of parliament was decreed absolute and unlimited, but the government was willing to consign, in a treaty, limitations and exceptions to it in favour of America. But the declaration of independence added a new feature to the war; it compressed the dispute within very narrow limits, and reduced it to a very simple proposition. The intricate questions of taxation and representation, of internal and external taxation, of regulating commerce and of raising revenue, of admitting the prerogative of the crown, but denying the supremacy of parliament, questions somewhat metaphysical and not always perfectly distinct in their application, were absorbed by the vast stipulation of independence. This was the only basis on which America, at the period when the commission was appointed, would treat for peace. But the mother country was not yet prepared for that concession, nor did the ministry exist, that would have had the courage to have submitted to that act of humiliation. Lord Chatham, himself, declared in debate, in December 277, that he was an avowed enemy to American independence. He contended for a whig connexion between