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literally, and war is not to be considered as existing with Spain until a Spanish army shall have actually entered the Portuguese territory), would guide the enemies of Portugal in the course which they would desire to follow; for, from it they would learn that they might with impunity invite our soldiers to desert, sow corruption amongst them, maintain them embodied in military corps on the frontiers, and, in fine, commit all kinds of hostilities, provided such hostilities were not avowed; and Portugal would thus be placed between an enemy who permits himself to resort to the most perfidious means to injure her, and an ally who interdicts himself from assisting her.

Besides, in the case in question, it cannot even be admitted that there exists in Portugal a real division of interests and opinions.

The Portuguese nation, represented by the two Chambers, in which are assembled the clergy and nobility, acts in accordance with the sovereign, and pursues with moderation the path traced out for it by the free and spontaneous will of the king. The parties which agitate the country, directed by certain men who may be regarded as the disgrace of the nation, have dared to proclaim the name of a


young prince, who, being himself called one day to the legitimate participation of the throne, has, in the mean while, by oaths and solemn acts, given the most satisfactory guarantee of his fidelity and devoted obedience to the orders of his august brother, and thus contradicts the unworthy abuse which is made of his name.

Stil}, whatever may be the opinion and wish manifested by the majority of the Portuguese nation, it is not impossible to imagine a case in which foreign intrigue, by employing the terrible means of seduction, might succeed, through the defection of the army, in bringing about a total revolution in Portugal.

The undersigned will conclude this note as he commenced it, by claiming, in the name of her royal highness the Infanta Regent, the. support and aid of his Britannic majesty, conformably to the existing treaties.

He avails himself of this occasion to repeat to his excellency, Mr. Canning, the assurance of his highest consideration. (Signed) The Marquis De Palmella.

London, Dec. 2. To his Excellency Mr. Canning, &c. &c.

Report niadv by the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the Chamber of Deputies, on the Uh of Dec.

Senhores and Deputies of the Nation;—I have already twice had the honour of submitting to this Chamber, in secret committees, some brief information respecting the state of our existing relations with the principal powers of

Europe. I shall now, in the present public sitting, not only repeat what I stated on the two former occasions, but shall give to this equally important and delicate subject all the development in my power.

Senhores!—If the business intrusted to my rare required, for the public welfare, to be kept for some time a profound secret, a time has, however, come in which mystery is not only unnecessary, but would be criminal: accordingly, I exerted every effort to keep the secret as long as secrecy appeared to me necessary, but not a moment beyond that period to the limit of which I sincerely believe we are now arrived.

On the 3rd of August, when the Infanta Regent was pleased to call me to her councils, and to intrust the Foreign department to my direction, Portugal was placed in extremely difficult circumstances. The oaths had just been taken to the constitutional charter; but that monument of wisdom and source of felicity which we had recently received from our immortal sovereign don Pedro IV., was hated by a neighbouring nation, ill understood by nearly all the rest, except by Great Britain, which has for ages rejoiced at our prosperity, and which has always been our firmest support in misfortune. If, however, the great powers were, for a time, undecided with respect to us, their indecision was not of long duration. The French government soon acknowledged the legitimacy and wise policy of our institutions, and we have received through the worthy representative of his most Christian majesty in this Court, repeated assurances of the friendly disposition of that government. The emperor of Russia, whose virtues and wisdom arc well known throughout all Europe, was pleased, in an audience which he granted to the Portuguese minister, to state to him, that he had always recognized the legitimacy of our institutions, and that he felt the

greatest interest in the prosperity of Portugal. The instructions which the Russian government gave to its charge d'affaires at this Court, and which have been most faithfully observed, leave nothing to be desired.

From Austria what more could be wished for, after the counsels which his majesty the emperor has given to that prince for whom the august founder of our charter has destined the hand of his daughter, our august queen?

Prussia follows precisely the same course as her allies.

Before explaining the state of our relations with Spain, I thought it necessary to give this slight sketch of our situation with respect to the great powers of Europe. If I have not spoken more particularly of Great Britain, it is because that great and generous power is so united with us, that at every step I shall be under the necessity of referring to what she has done, and what she proposes to do, in our favour. Had we even no other ally, we should have nothing to fear.

In the month of July, as soon as preparations were made for taking the oaths to the constitutional charter, the intrigues on the part of Spain increased, and the desertions from Portugal commenced. The Portuguese deserters having been not only received, but highly entertained, in Spain, challenged their comrades to commit the same crime. Some Portuguese, who had been elevated to honours and eminent posts, served as emissaries to Spain, by inviting the soldiers to desert, attacking the legitimacy of don Pedro IV., and endeavouring to persuade the ignorant population that the constitution was hostile to the throne and the altar. How degenerate are such malignant Portuguese!

It became, then, my first duty, on entering into office, to give positive orders (as will be seen by the annexed despatch) to our charge d'affaires at the Court of Madrid, to require from his Catholic majesty the fulfilment of the treaties existing between Portugal and Spain. However, when the orders which I had forwarded in the name of the Infanta Regent arrived at Madrid, the charge d' affaires had already declared that he would not swear to the constitutional charter. Consequently, those orders remained without that prompt execution which they ought to have obtained. I cannot refrain from observing, that the criminal conduct of this charge d'affaires has had much influence in producing the unfortunate course which our relations with Spain have taken. Under those circumstances, the Infanta Regent resolved that the count de Villa Real should go to Madrid in the character of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, to carry into effect the orders which the late charge d'affaires had left unexecuted. ,

But what was the astonishment of the government, when it was learned that the count de Villa Real was not received by the Court of Madrid? This fact alone would be sufficient to justify a rupture with that Court. The government, however, being aware that the cabinet of Madrid was governed by a faction, and wishing, besides, to give a proof of the moderation of its principles and of its earnest desire to proceed in harmony with its allies, by following their advice to act with the greatest prudence, orders were

given to the minister who had been nominated, that he should merely direct his attention to the fulfilment of the treaties, or at least to the delivery of effects plundered and carried into Spain by the Portuguese deserters, and to the removal of the said deserters from the frontier, and their dispersion. These things we were, by the treaties, not only entitled to require, but we might also have insisted on the men being delivered up as deserters, and guilty of high treason.

It would seem that the Spanish government could not have been expected to hesitate a moment in doing justice to our reclamations; but such was not the case, notwithstanding the zealous co-operation which we received from the English government, which took part in our interests as if they had been its own. Here I may as a Portuguese, be permitted to express my gratitude to the august monarch who presides over the destinies of Great Britain, to hi&: enlightened ministers, to the British minister at the Court of Madrid, and more particularly'to' 4 my right hon. and most respectable'' friend, sir William A'Court,"t»4<: whom the interests of Portugal are as dear as if it were his native'' land. '''"'''I

A considerable time elapsed without any concession being oW'-'tained from the Spanish government, notwithstanding repeated promises made to the count de Villa Real, who continued to reside in Madrid without any re-''cognized character—to the English minister, and to the other representatives of the great powers who constantly recommended caution to the Portuguese government—a counsel which, from a conviction

its propriety has hitherto been rigidly followed.

At length, in consequence of urgent persuasions, his Catholic majesty's minister for Foreign Affairs declared that the necessary orders were despatched for the delivery of the effects carried off by the deserters, that those deserters would soon be dispersed, that the infamous viscount de Canellas would be ordered to leave Spain, ;. But were those orders issued? know not? Were they executed? Certainly not. The captains-general who were to execute the orders never received them. rould , it. be believed possible for the perfidy and immorality a government to reach this -'ight?, , , .

Let us now see what the Portulese rebels were in the mean time ling with the consent of the Spanish authorities. Part of them endeavoured, by all the means in their power, to harass and seduce the population on our frontiers; others concerted plansfor attacking Portugal; others assembling in great numbers took oaths against their legitimate sovereign, and against the fundamental laws of the Portuguese monarchy; going even so far as to proclaim foreign princes as having right to the Crown of Portugal. So degenerate were these monsters! Yet all this was countenanced by the Spanish authorities! all counselled by the Spanish government!

The moment for lifting the mask at last arrived. While the Spanish government was still making promises that the arms of the deserters should be delivered up, those very arms, and others besides, were put into the hands of Portuguese rebels, who attacked Portugal on different points. I

cannot describe so horrible a transaction without being oppressed with grief and filled with indignation: May this be the only example of Portuguese disloyalty, and would that history could con-: ceal from our posterity so disgraceful a deed!

As soon as her royal highness the Infanta Regent was informed of the inroad of the Portuguese rebels she immediately gave me orders to transmit a note to the Spanish ambassador, intimating that his functions were suspended until the Cabinet of Madrid should give a clear and satisfactory explanation respecting the aggression which had been committed. Two couriers were immediately despatched to Madrid, with orders to our charge d'affaires at that Court to demand not only instant satisfaction, but the recognition of the present go* > vemment of Portugal within forty- eight hours. I-h'.h >■<

If the Spanish government does' i not satisfy us, not with words hot < I with acts, it will not be doubted that its intention is to continue to make war upon us. I say to con- ■tinue, because what has already been done is a real commencement of war; but if it should happen that the war is continued, and we should require aid, we have'a ■! faithful and powerful ally, who will come with the greatest promp-;titude to our succour—England' '•' •will not delay a moment in supt-'porting us. The govemmenty: which is already authorized by the- I two Chambers to admit foreign troops into the Portuguese terri- •'•tory, will avail itself of that permission with circumspection, but will not hesitate a moment when that measure appears necessary for the salvation of the State. I have now to announce to the Chamber,

that Portugal being attacked and exposed to still further attacks by a great force, I have applied to the English government in virtue of the stipulations in our treaties for the necessary force to aid us against our enemies. I again repeat, that we may and ought to place the fullest confidence in our faithful and ancient ally.

I fear I have trespassed greatly on the patience of the Chamber; but I still do not think myself at liberty to conclude, without stating the causes to which I principally attribute the conduct of the Spanish government.

1. To the instigations of the Portuguese rebels, chiefly the viscount de Canellas, the marquis de Chaves, the viscount de Monte Allcgre, Magessi, &c. &c.

2. To the Apostolic Junta, which has long governed the Spanish Cabinet. This Apostolic Junta, whose ramifications extend into Portugal, is composed of men who conceal under the mask of religion and royalism the most horrible crimes. This infamous Junta is, without doubt, the greatest pest of modern society, and ought to be regarded as the most formidable enemy of the

throne, the altar, and of civilization. 3. To the marquis de Moustier, the French ambassador at Madrid, whose conduct greatly embarrassed our negotiations. It is necessary not to confound this diplomatist with the government which lie represents, from which, as I have already stated, we have received the strongest assurances of friendship, and I entertain, as I am bound to do, every confidence in its sincerity. I must, however, repeat that the marquis de MoUstier, from his unwillingness to obey the instructions received from his government, has been exceedingly prejudicial to the cause of Portugal, and has defeated all the good intentions of his most Christian majesty towards us.

I must no longer tax the attention of the Chamber, but as the Chamber wishes to be exactly informed of the state of tiur relations with Spain, I shall lay before it all the correspondence with the mission at Madrid, and all other documents, which nlay In any way tend to elucidate the question. May my efforts be useful to the country, and may I always deserve the name of Portuguese—the only glory of which I am ambitious.

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SfEECH of the Infanta Regent at the Close of the Session of the Cortes.

Her royal highness not being able to attend, in consequence of indisposition, the bishop of Viseu, peer of the kingdom, minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, closed the Session of the Cortes on the 23rd of December, by the following speech:—

"Worthy Peers of the Kingdom, aiid Senhores Deputies of the

Portuguese nation;—Her Serene Highness the Senhora Infanta Regent, on the opening of the Session of the Cortes of the present year, congratulated you on seeing you assembled around the throne of her august brother and king, don Pedro IV., ready to consolidate, by a faithful execution of the fundamental law given to us by a

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