were worn out with watching, and famine stared them in the face; yets their desperate resolution never failed, and every proposal of va surrender was treated with contempt. Ibrahim, who, with all his barbarism, does not seem to have delighted in blood for its own sake, sent a summons to the town on the 2nd of April, offering a capitulation on the garrison surrendering prisoners of war, promising to save the lives of the inhabitants on their arms being given up, and undertaking that they should be allowed to proceed to any part of the Turkish dominions which they might select. These terms were refused, either from distrust in the good faith of the Egyptian commander, or, it may be, from a noble wish to set a heroic example of that total forgetfulness of self, which the love of country will sometimes inspire. In the mean time, the unfortunate garrison was abandoned to its fate. The commanders in the north, and at Argos and Napoli, made no effort for its relief; Goura and Fabvier were in the rear of the besiegers, but were either too weak, or too timid, to attempt even a diversion. Miaulis, indeed, risked his fleet, and endeavoured to break through the blockade; but, although the advantage was sometimes on his side, the naval superiority of the Turks was too decided to enable him to open the harbour, and throw in provisions. By the 16th of April, Ibrahim had cut off every means of communication, by mooring across the harbour rafts and flat-bottomed boats, armed with heavy artillery; even the scanty supplies which hitherto had occasionally stolen in, could no longer arrive; every

store and magazine had been long exhausted; the famine was absolute, and women and children were dying of starvation. Shut out from every gleam of hope, and looking on the life which would be reserved for themselves and their families in Turkish slavery, as a life not worth retaining, except as an instrument of revenge, the Missolonghites formed a resolution which only despair could have adopted. It was determined that the men able to bear arms should make a sudden sally, and endeavour to force their way, sword in hand, through the besieging army. To assist their project, it had been arranged, by means of secret messengers, that the Rumeliot troops in the mountains, and behind the Turkish camp, should, at a fixed hour, attack it from the rear; the commencement of their firing was to be the signal for setting fire to some houses in the town; while the attention of the enemy was thus distracted, the garrison was to make a sortie, in the hope of being able to carry, in the confusion, one of the batteries on the sea shore, and secure their pas sage. The other part of the plan was still more dreadful: the old men, the women, and children, unable to be sharers in this des perate enterprise, and, remaining defenceless in the town, certain only of massacre and dishonour, prepared for voluntary death. Several parts of the works and of the town were undermined and charged; there these helpless victims resolved to take their stand, when stripped of their natural defenders; there they were to await the entrance of the Turks, then spring the mines, and bury themselves, their abodes, and their ene

my, in one common destruction. These resolutions were all taken, and the necessary preparations made, in the course of the 19th and 20th. On the 21st and 22nd, Miaulis made a last attempt to come to their assistance, and to carry a vessel laden with provisions into the harbour; but his small fleet: struggled in vain with the overwhelming force of his adversary, and he was reluctantly compelled to leave this devoted handful of brave men to their fate. The execution of their design could no longer be delayed. The Rumeliots made the preconcerted attack on the rear of the Turks on the 22nd of April, but a deserter from the town had revealed the plan to the enemy, who in consequence re-inforced their posts, to keep the Rumeliots in check, and beset every avenue by which the besieged might be expected to issue forth. When, therefore, the garrison, having taken leave of their families, for whom not even a chance remained, and received from their bishop the blessing and the absolution of heaven, sallied out to the attack, instead of falling unexpectedly upon an unprepared adversary, they found the enemy on the alert, and doubly strengthened, every trench and every battery manned, A surprise had been their only hope, but yet to advance was not more certain destruction than to retire. They threw themselves with desperate and reckless courage into the works; they fell in ranks before superior numbers; but, notwithstanding the murder ous discharges from the Turkish cannon, about eight hundred men, less than one-half of their number, succeeded in cutting a passage

for themselves, and joining Karaiskaki and his Rumeliots in the mountains. The Turks, heated from slaughter and resistance, rushed into the defenceless town; amid the confusion, the mines were only partially sprung, and the sickening scenes of licentious ness and murder began. Ibrahim himself bewailed the carnage which he could not restrain; many women sprung into the sea, and into wells, with their children in their arms; many more were killed by their own relations, as the only protection against the Turkish ravisher. Among the slain was Noto Bozzaris, the commander of the town, an old man of seventy-six, who had refused to depart, declaring that he considered himself the cause of all their misfortunes, since it was by his advice that they had rejected every offer of capitulation. A band of about one hundred and thirty men for tified themselves in a house, and defended it during the whole of the following day, till, when about to be overpowered, exhausted by fatigue and hunger, they blew ap themselves and their assailants. So obstinate was the conflicts at the works, and so ruthless was the massacre in the town, that, although between two and three thousand Greeks perished in both, only an hundred and fifty were returned as having been taken alive. The male population above twelve years of age was exterminated; between three and four thousand women and children survived, to be carried into slavery.

After the falls of Missolonghi, the Rumeliots who had occupied the mountains of Acarnania, with that part of its garrison which had escaped, and the corps un

der Goura, which had been in the neighbourhood of Salona, retired, leaving Western Greece open to the conqueror, and took refuge in Athens. Thither they were followed by Redschid Pacha, who formed the siege of the town. Ibrahim, hitherto irresistible, recrossed the Gulph into the Morea, having no impediment in the way between him and Napoli di Romania, the only important fortress now occupied by the Patriots in that part of Greece. But he had suffered too severely in his repeated attacks upon Missolonghi, to be able to undertake new offensive operations, until he should have recruited his army, and received reinforcements from Egypt, for which purpose the Egyptian fleet had sailed for Alexandria after the taking of Missolonghi, while the proper fleet of Turkey returned to the Dardanelles. He occupied himself in strengthening and provisioning Tripolizza, which was exposed to the attacks of Colocotroni, and Napoli remained undisturbed. The rest of the year was spent by Ibrahim in inactivity, for the fleet from Alexandria did not arrive at Navorino till the 4th of December; it brought to him no troops, but a large supply of military stores, and a million and half of piastres. The siege of Athens, likewise, though pressed by Redschid Pacha, did not present any memorable occurrence. The Turks were repulsed in all their attacks upon the Acropolis; and, on the other hand, all attempts to raise the siege failed. The Greeks were unable to supply forces for its relief, with out withdrawing the few troops they still possessed below the Isthmus, and thus facilitating the

advance of Ibrahim into Eastern Greece, if he should think proper to move. In an unsuccessful assault made by the besiegers on the 18th of October, general Goura, who commanded the garrison, was killed.

About the same time that Missolonghi fell, the Greeks were equally unfortunate in an attempt which they made against Negropont. Colonel Fabvier, one of the European officers in the Greek service, had employed the spring of the year in raising recruits at Athens, and in the islands, and succeeded in bringing together, and training, about one thousand five hundred men. At the head of these he unexpectedly landed in Euboea in the end of March, and surprised Carysto, an open town, the Turkish garrison of which retreated into the citadel; but having lost his time in attempting to take the citadel, and his provisions being consumed, he was surprised by the governor of Negropont, who had hastened to the aid of Carysto with a numerous body of cavalry.

Colonel Fabvier, and the greater part of his corps, succeeded in fighting their way to an islet or rock, called Stura where, during several days, and under great privations, they resisted the attacks of the Turkish forces, till they were rescued by some of the vessels of the Insurgents of Tino and Syra.

On the 11th of April, a body of Albanians effected a landing near Bairout, a trading town on the coast of Syria; and, guided by spies, entered the town almost before any alarm had been given. The mussulmen, however, flew to arms; and, after a sharp contest,

their pay; and the executive exerted itself in procuring provisions and ammunition for the fortresses, and the troops, which were still on foot; sending numbers of females and children into the islands, that in the event of a siege, the magazines might not be burdened with a croud of useless mouths. The inactivity of Ibrahim, who was reposing his army at Modon, and watching over the safety of Tripolizza, allowed it to carry on its military preparations undisturbed; and it found leisure to employ its authority in attempting, sometimes successfully, to allay the dissentions which were perpetually on the eve of breaking out among the chiefs. The president of the executive commission himself, with two of its members, and the archbishop of Arta vicepresident of the committee of the National Assembly, hastened to Corinth, where petty and private jealousies of long standing between the general and vice-general of the province were now openly as suming the form of a civil war; the factions having successfully recruited, even in the neighbouring provinces, men, who, if they drew the sword at all, ought to have been opposing the common enemy. These deputies, backed by the presence of Colocotroni, who was thus withdrawn from the Morea at so critical a period, succeeded in restoring for a time, at least, apparent harmony.

The appeal which the National Assembly had made to Europe was partially answered in one way, but could not be answered in another; their treasury might be assisted, and their troops armed, by private contributions; but the interference of governments, was a task of the

utmost delicacy and difficulty. In every christian state, the melancholy fate of the devoted garrison and inhabitants of Missolonghi excited only one feeling of deep commiseration; in every capital, and even in some courts, contributions were collected to relieve the crouds who were perishing in nakedness and want, and to re-purchase captives. At Berlin the king himself set the example. The king of Bavaria transmitted from himself and his family a sum of upwards of 3,0001. in addition to a sum of nearly 2,000% which he had already given towards the redemption of women and children who had been carried into slavery from Missolonghi. The self-constituted Greek committees, too, who, as yet, had exhibited only incontestible proofs of vanity, bravado, and mismanagement, increased their exertions to export for the service of Greecel certain persons who assumed the appella tion of Phil-Hellenes, small enough in number to be utterly con temptible as allies, and in the use of arms, if arms could be obe tained, far less practised and experienced than the Greeks them selves. Forty-five of these persons were shipped from Marseilles in the month of July with much parade, and theatrical affectation of sentiment," to fight for liberty and the cross," as it was called→→→ that is, to make windy apostrophes in the gulph of Salamis, or on the plain of Marathon; to frame constitutions for people who could not think; and establish the liberty of the press, as the all in all of human happiness, in a nation that could not read; to prate of Miltiades and lord Byron, without having one ray of common sense