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wool, were severely attacked, as checking the exchange of commodities, and provoking other countries to make reprisals. An unsuccessful attempt was made to reduce the duty on iron one half. The restrictive measures, which prevented the exportation of wines into Belgium and other northern countries, and by laying on articles to be imported in return a duty which excluded them altogether, were particularly inveighed against; and M. Riboul said, that if this prohibitory system were persevered in, the inhabitants of some departments would soon be obliged to renounce every kind of exchange, and consume the whole of their own produce. On the other hand it was wished to augmentthe duty on foreign linens; and an amendment was moved containing an impost which would have been equivalent to a prohibition, but the more moderate views of the minister of finance prevailed. He maintained, in point of fact, that the French linens required no protection, because even in foreign markets they were preferred to those of every other nation; and several members allowed that the cotton manufacture stood much more in need of being guarded against competition.

In her commercial regulations, likewise, France followed the example of Britain, in departing from the jealous system of discriminating duties, and trading upon principles of reciprocity. In the month of January a commercial treaty was concluded between her government and that of England, by which the vessels of both countries were put upon the same footing. The ships of either country, departing from or entering into, the harbours of the other, were to pay no higher rate of tonnage, pilotage, lighthouse dues, and other similar exactions, than should be paid by vessels belonging to that other country itself. Goods imported into Britain in French vessels, or into France in British vessels, were to pay the same duties as if they had been imported in vessels of the country to which they were brought, with this exception, that the produce of Africa, Asia, and America, should not be imported from these countries into Britain in French ships, nor from France in British ships, for the purpose of home consumption in Britain, but only to be warehoused, or exported; France reserving a power to make a similar declaration. European productions, again, were not to be imported into France in British bottoms for home consumption, unless they had been loaded in some port of the United Kingdom, Britain reserving the right to make a similar declaration against the importation of such goods in French vessels. It was further declared, that all goods which might be legally exported from either country, should pay the same duties, and be entitled to the same drawbacks and bounties, on exportation, whether exported in the vessels of that country or of the other; provided that they sailed directly from the ports of the one to the ports of the other; that no fishing boat, driven into a port by stress of weather, should pay any dues, unless a cargo, or part of a cargo, was there taken on board; and that neither country should grant to any third party greater privileges than by this treaty they granted to each other.

The principles and provisions of this treaty were received with much approbation by the Chamber of Deputies, where they seemed,

however, to be so much misunderstood, that although they were undoubtedly a relaxation of the ancient system of British maritime policy, and had many and powerful enemies in this country as being injurious to its commercial prosperity and its naval power, M. de St. Chemans hailed them "as a first step towards a Navigation act similar to that which had so powerfully favoured the development of the commercial riches of England." They were a first step towards the adoption of principles of reciprocal freedom in commercial intercourse; the Navigation acts were founded upon principles of exclusion and restriction. M. Casimir Perrier wished to improve upon the measure, by imposing upon French vessels coming from Britain into French ports, a duty not exceeding that imposed upon foreign vessels; for by paying less in England, and more in France, than they had done before, the owners would still be gainers, and a large sum would flow into the Treasury. "Suppose, said he, "to take round numbers, that before the treaty our ships paid 3000 francs in England, and nothing on their return to France; a thousand ships, then, paid three million francs in England, and nothing at home. By the treaty, the English have reduced their duty, I will suppose, to 1000 francs, and the French government lays a duty on our own vessels to the same amount. The thousand ships, then, will pay only two millions instead of three, one million to England, and one million to ourselves. The owners will gain a million; and our Treasury will receive a million which it did not receive previous to the treaty." The proposed introduction of

the law of primogeniture agitated Paris much more deeply than any other measure of policy foreign or domestic. No question raised since the Resolution had excited so much popular and adverse feeling; the re-establishment of the censorship would not have been resisted with a clamour and ardour so nearly approaching to what might have been expected in defending at once a personal possession and a national right. The elevation of an eldest son above his brethren seemed to be connected, in the minds of the Parisian public, with the horrors of the darkest times of feudalism, and the insulting tyranny of an exclusive oligarchy; politics and economics were equally unable to convince them that those who are born to have power ought to be able to exercise it in a spirit of independence, and that it is no advantage to a nation that every man should be his own farmer. The journalists and the pamphleteers both raised and repeated the voice of Paris—and Paris is France —that primogeniture was not merely a violation of the charter, which said not a word upon the matter, but the invasion of the ordinary rights of humanity; and an attempt to resume the national domains would scarcely have come more home to every man's supposed interest, or have covered the ministers with more unpopularity. The opposition to it, out of the cabinet, was nearly universal: for it was far from finding unconditional favour in the eyes even of the peerage, whose influence and respectability it was intended to support.

The language, in which the measure had been mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, was moderate and sensible, and had nothing about it calculated to excite alarm in sober-minded men. f'The progressive subdivision of landed property," said the king, "essentially contrary to the principle of monarchical government, would weaken the securities which thk charter has given to my throne and to my subjects. Means will be proposed to restore the agreement whjch should exist between the political law and the civil law, and to preserve the patrimony of families, without, however, affecting the liberty of disposing of propartyv ■! The preservation of families ileads to, and guarantees political stability, which is the first want of a state, and especially of France, after so.many vicissitudes." This was a sufficiently correct enunciatidn of the political virtues of the right *of primogeniture. An inflate! (divisibility of property necBssarily leads to poverty, poverty in. each member of a family increasing with the number of generations which pass away. The inevitable consequence is, that a hereditary nobility becomes, under such i a , system, a race of titled paupers; and of all kinds of men, noblass can be at once more useless, and more dangerous, both to k«Hg and"to people, than a poor and privileged aristocracy. Their real wants, arid much more the artificial wants incident to their station,: render them dependents upon court favour,, making them pensioners of the hand that feeds them, and hired servants of that very power which, in a mixed monarchy, they are created to re-* strain. This is the natural course of firings; in every struggle be^ tweanjthe; Crown and the sabjects,' they willi incline to the former, for then* rank, their habits of life, {heir my vapitiesaxeall' connected)

and, as it were, identified, with its power, and separate them from the sympathies, and modes of thinking, of > those who are below them'. The monarch, again, finds that the political powers vested in them by the state, instead of being troublesome and efficient restraints upon his prerogative, are admirable instruments for the execution of his plans, and the extension of his authority: under the form of a constitutional legislature, they are the express image of the executive, reflecting from their glittering, but dead, surface, its every feature and motion. Gratuities are bestowed, and offices are created, to supply their wants; the people pay* their own enemies; and the constitution gradually breatlies its last in that state of political lethargy in which the lineaments of public liberty remain, when the spirit! is benumbed and expiring. France had only to look at the condition of he* own nobility before the Revolution1, to know what a poor and hereditary aristocracy must come to'.'

The economical effects, too, of such a progressive subdivision of property have nothing to reeOmi; mend it. If it be true that land cannot be cultivated to ills utmost productive capacity without a large capital, it must always be receding from that limit in the hands of men whose capital is diminishing, generation by generation, ■ nr a geometrical progression. If it be true that it is an advantage to a country to raise the greatest possible quantity of food by the smallest possible quantity of labour, that country cannot be in a prosperous course, where the number'of those who raise food Onlyfor theniselvefc' or their faraiHeB is; perpetually increasing. It was not a blessed time, either in pngltfnfl. Or ia any other country> "when every rood of ground maintained its man.". In every great country there must he large properties to supply the sources of any thing like permanent wealth or competency to the people. .Where :the labour of the whole population is required to raise the food of that population, national wealth can never accumulate, and in proportion to the number so employed is the distance at which the country is removed from national affluence. Hence France, notwithstanding her soil and climate, has never been a rich country, her agriculturists becoming, weaker; and weaker, poorer and poorer by every successive death of the head of a family. Not above one third part of the population of England, a less fertile land, beneath a more inclement sky,,, is employed in raising the food of themselves, and eight millions of their countrymen, and yet the national wealth and resources of England arc something which, till our own day, the world had never seen. Ireland, by following in.regard to her tenants, the system pursued by France in regard to her proprietors, has covered her surface with penury and misery; and,, as a state, has become so exhausted as to be: saarcely able to bear the touch of taxation. Yet, in jhe, debates in the French chambers,, the , French legislators gravely lamented that England should, have, adopted so pernicious a course, and that we were not blessed with the same law of descent which prevailed among themselves. , . !K inn /-ii-n'i.1'.

Theprojecfc of law presented*^© the. Chambers was the. following: t >

, 1. In every inheritance accruing., to the' .direct, descending ling,. and paying 300 fra»sa.ji{UM} few/if; tfcs

deceased: has not disposed of the pant which, he may devise according to law, this portion shall be given under the title of preciput legal to the eldest male child of the deceased proprietor. If the deceased has disposed of a part of the portion which he may devise, the legal preciput shall be composed of the part which he has not disposed of. The preciput shall be taken out of the real property of the inheritance, and, in case of insufficiency, out of the personal property. . r- < n, jiii yui

2, The enactments <rfi the<tw«i first paragraphs of the preceding article shall cease to have effect, when the deceased has formally expressed his will by deed, inter vivos, or testament, i ■- ,ifl:i» ii ?i\'n

3. The property which' mkyibet disposed of according to ,tbe'91Sthi,'( 915th, and 916th articles:;of.the! Civil Code, may be given by deed, inter vivos, or by testament, charged with the condition of transmitting them to one of several children of the donee, born or to be born to the second degree inclusively. The articles 1051 to 1074 inclusively of the Civil Code, shall] bei observed in the execution of this disposition. • ■ ■! ■!■ ■!.* hiii; .wj[

Thus, the proposed hrw >£bll JarJ short of the rule established in this country; for it gave.to ih«i eldest son of a person dying, iritefiu:tate, not the whole real estate; bnfr only a limited portokmiof it. The third article,1 which! gave a power of substituting a second heir, was of the nature of an entail, and yet was so limited as to be absolute freedom of disposal compared with the entails of Scotland, by which the property is tied up in a particular line iso!;long: as; there are heirs of, that! line ri»i paste-; Th*g; clause*. howQVw .though. ;ev»dentl:!

quite as Aristocratic as the others, and tending more directly to the perpetuation of hereditary wealth, because it deprived the first heir, in so far, of the right of disposal, was regarded with less abhorrence than the simple provision regarding the preciput in an intestate succession. The discussion was long, and in the Chamber of Deputies, violent. There the debate lasted three days, and was finished on the third only in consequence of several members who had inscribed their names, declining, from the impatience of the Chamber, to exercise their right. The opponents of the project, when they quitted rhetorical and sentimental declamation, had little to say against it, except that it was contrary to the manners and feelings of the people, and that the existing system had rtot produced, and would not produce, any mischievous subdivision of property. To the argument drawn from the example of England they answered: The English are an emigrating people; they have their East and West Indies, their Australasia, their Canadas; their possessions are scattered all over the globe, and in these they quarter their younger sons. But \fre have no such resources: our Cadets must either starve, or be quartered upon the public; and the church and army, as before the revolution, become the exclusive property of the son's of great families. The speech of M. Villele contained almost all the sound Sense that was spoken on the subject, and his statistical details furnished irrefragable proof of the practical consequences of the system. "We are asked," said he, "for proof of that excessive parcelling out of lands which this project is to remedy? But is

there need of proofs for such a fact? Is it not the Chamber itself which has pointed out its dangers to the attention of government? The deliberations of councils general every year cry out for a prompt remedy for an evil, the progress of which is immense. What proprietor is there who does nbt see country houses taken down, and lands divided into pieces all about them? In whatever direction you traverse France, the influence of this indefinite division must be remarked, and the traveller must observe it even in the abandonment of the means of transport suitable to the wealth of great proprietors alone. Nevertheless, precise details are looked for:—but the minister would not have waited till they were asked for, if, in producing those which he could collect, he was not afraid of coramitting, in SOtne sort, an act of Charlatanism, unworthy of the good faith of the king's government. In such a matter, however exact may be the returns and the tables of figures, they cannot furnish a proof incapable of being disputed. The documents collected to day cannot give information, unless we could compare theni with returns made at a former period. It is, therefore, without the hope of any great advantage, that government has ordered researches to be made; and it is also without the hope of founding any argument on them, but merely to satisfy the desire of several speakers, that it has produced that information which it was able to procure. The returns have been made from the registers of several departments, presenting altogether an average population of 363,580 individuals. Out of this number the registers

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