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the course which she shall adopt; and the language which he would hold to Spain is, in effect this "You have not yet done enough to implicate British faith, and to pro voke British honour. You have not done enough, in merely en abling Portuguese rebels to invade Portugal, and to carry destruction into her cities; you have not done enough in combining knots of traitors, whom after the most solemn engagements to disarm and to disperse them you carefully re-assembled, and equipped and sent back with Spanish arms, to be plunged into kindred Portuguese bosoms. I will not stir for all these things. Pledged though I am by the most solemn obligations of treaty to resent attack upon Portugal as injurious to England, I love too dearly the peace of Europe, to be goaded into activity by such trifles as these. No. But give us a good declaration of war, and then I'll come and fight you with all my heart.This is the hon. gentleman's contrivance for keeping peace. The more clumsy contrivance of his majesty's government is this: We have seen enough, to show to the world that Spain authorised, if she did not instigate, the invasion of Portugal; and we say to Spain, Beware, we will avenge the cause of our ally, if you break out into declared war; but, in the mean time, we will take effectual care to frustrate your concealed hostilities.' Who would not prefer this course of his majesty's government, the object of which is to nip growing hostilities in the ear, to that of the chivalrous member for Bristol, who would let aggressions ripen into full maturity, in order that they may then be mowed down with the scythe of a magnificent war?

An amendment has been proposed, purporting a delay of a week, but, in effect, intended to produce a total abandonment of the object of the address; and that amendment has been justified by a reference to the conduct of the government and to the language used by me in this House between three and four years ago. It is stated, and truly, that I did not then deny that cause for war had been given by France in the invasion of Spain, if we had then thought fit to enter into warbon that account. But it seems to be forgotten that there is one main difference between that case and the present, which difference, however, is essential and all-suf ficient. We were then to go to war, if we pleased, on grounds of political expediency. But we were not then bound to interfere, on behalf of Spain, as we now are bound to interfere on behalf of Portugal, by the obligations of treaty. War might then have been our free choice, if we had deemed it politic: interference on behalf of Portugal is now our duty, unless we are prepared to abandon the principles of national faith and national honour. It is a singular confusion of intellect which confounds two cases so precisely dissimilar. Far from objecting to the reference to 1823, I refer to that same occasion to show the consistency of the conduct of myself and my colleagues. We were then accused of truckling to France, from a pusillanimous dread of war. We pleaded guilty to the charge of wishing to avoid war. We described its inexpediency, its inconveniencies, and its dangers,(dangers, especially of the same sort with those which I have hinted at to-day) but we declared that, al

though we could not overlook those dangers, those inconveniencies, and that inexpediency, in a case in which remote interest and doubtful policy were alone assigned as motives for war, we would cheerfully affront them all, in a case-if it should arrive where national faith or national honour were concerned. Well, then a case has now arisen, of which the essence is faith, of which the character is honour; and, when we call upon parliament, not for offensive war, -which was proposed to us in 1823 but for defensive armament; we are referred to our abstinence in 1823, as disqualify ing us for exertion at the present moment, and are told, that, because we did not attack France on that occasion, we must not defend Portugal on this. I, Sir, like the proposers of the amendment, place the two cases of 1823 and 1826, side by side, and deduce from them, when taken together, the exposition and justification of our general policy. I appeal from the warlike preparations of to-day, to the forbearance of 1823, in proof of the pacific character of our counsels ;— I appeal from the imputed tameness of 1823, to the message of tonight, in illustration of the nature of those motives, by which a government, generally pacific, may nevertheless be justly roused into

action.

"It has been suggested, Sir, that we should at once ship off the Spanish refugees, now in this country, for Spain; and that we should, by the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment act, let loose into the contest all the ardent and irregular spirits of this country. Such expedients I disclaim. I dread and deprecate the employment of them. So far, indeed, as Spain herself is

concerned, the employment of such means would be strictly, I might say epigrammatically, just. The Foreign Enlistment act was passed in the year 1819, if not at the direct request, for the especial benefit, of Spain. What right, then, would Spain have to complain if we should repeal it now, for the especial benefit of Portugal?

The Spanish Refugees have been harboured in this country, it is true; but, on condition of abstaining from hostile expeditions against Spain: and more than once, when such expeditions have been planned, the British government has interfered to suppress them. How is this tenderness for Spain rewarded?-Spain not only harbours, and fosters, and sustains, but arms, equips, and marshals the traitorous refugees of Portugal, and pours them by thousands into the bosom of great Britain's nearest ally. So far, then, as Spain is concerned, the advice of those who would send forth against Spain such dreadful elements of strife and destruction, is, as I have admitted, not unjust. But I repeat, again and again, that I disclaim all such expedients; and that I dread especially a war with Spain, because it is the war of all others in which, by the example and practice of Spain herself, such expedients are most likely to be adopted. Let' us avoid that war if we can,-that is, if Spain will permit us to do so. But in any case, let us endeavour to strip any war-if war we must have of that most formidable and disastrous character the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham) has so eloquently described, and which I was happy to hear him concur with me in deprecating, as the most fatal evil by which the world could be afflicted.

"Two honourable members insist that the French army in Spain has been, if not the cause, the encouragement, of the late attack by Spain against Portugal; that his majesty's government were highly culpable in allowing that army to enter into Spain, that its stay there is highly injurious to British interests and honour, and that we ought instantly to call upon France to withdraw it.

"I do not see how the withdraw ing the French troops from Spain could effect our present purpose. The French army in Spain is now a protection to that very party which it was originally called in to put down. Were the French army suddenly removed at this precise moment, I verily believe that the immediate effect of that removal would be, to give full scope to the unbridled rage of a fanatical faction, before which, in the whirlwind of intestine strife, the party least in numbers would be swept away.

"So much for the immediate effect of the demand which it is proposed to us to make, if that demand were instantly successful. But, when with reference to the larger question of a military occupation of Spain by France, it is averred, that, by that occupation, the relative situation of Great Britain and France is altered; that France is thereby exalted and Great Britain lowered, in the eyes of Europe:I dissent from that averment.

"I do not blame those exaggerations; because I am aware that they are to be attributed to the recollections of some of the best times of our history; that they are the echoes of sentiments, which, in the days of William and of Anne, animated the debates and dietated the votes of the British

parliament. No peace was in those days thought safe for this country while the crown of Spain continued on the head of a Bourbon. But were not the apprehensions of those days greatly over-stated? And is the Spain of the present day. the Spain of which the statesmen of the times of William and Anne were so much afraid? Is it indeed, the nation whose puissance was expected to shake England from her sphere? No, Sir, it was quite another Spain-it was the Spain, within the limits of whose empire the sun never set-it was Spain "with the Indies" that excited the jealousies and alarmed the imaginations of our ancestors.

"It would be disingenuous, indeed, not to admit that the entry of the French army into Spain was, in a certain sense, a disparagementan affront to the pride, a blow to the feelings, of England :-and it can hardly be supposed that the government did not sympathize, on that occasion, with the feelings of the people. But I deny, that, questionable or censurable as the act might be, it was one which necessarily called for our direct and hostile opposition. Was nothing then to be done?Was there no other mode of resistance, than by a direct attack upon France-or by a war to be undertaken on the soil of Spain? What, if the possession of Spain might be rendered harmless in rival hands-harmless as regarded us-and valueless to the possessors? Might not compensation for disparagement be obtained, and the policy of our ancestors vindicated, by means better adapted to the present time? If France occupied Spain, was it necessary, in order to avoid the consequences of that occupation, that we should blockade Cadiz ? No. I looked

another way-I sought materials of compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that if France had Spain, it should not be Spain with the Indies.' I called the New World into existence, to redress the balance of the Old.

"Once more I declare, that the object of the address, which I propose is not war: its object is to take the last chance of peace. If you do not go forth, on this occasion to the aid of Portugal, Portugal will be trampled down, to your irretrievable disgrace: -and then will come war in the train of national degradation. If, under circumstances like these, you wait till Spain has matured her secret machinations into open hostility, you will in a little while have the sort of war required by the pacificators and who shall say where that war will end ?"

The Amendment was put and negatived, there appearing only three or four supporters for Mr. Hume's proposition. The original question was then put and carried, with only the same number of dissentients.

On the same night, in the House of Lords, a similar address was moved by lord Bathurst, and seconded by lord Holland. The duke of Wellington spoke next; beginning by expressing a hope that it would be permitted to him, who for many years had had the direction of the resources of both the countries which formed the subject of discussion, against the common enemy, to lament that any necessity should arise for our interference between them.

He

also hoped, that the measures which called for our interference, were more to be attributed to the per

fidious conduct of the servants of the king of Spain, to the captainsgeneral of provinces, and to inferior ministers, than to his Catholic majesty. Whether, however, they proceeded from the one or the other, he could not possibly see bodies of troops on both sides of the Douro, and on the south of the Tagus and the Guadiana, at the same time, all armed by the Spanish authorities, without immediately perceiving that there must be a concurrence of the Spanish government. Under the circumstances, therefore, of this preconcerted invasion of the Portuguese territory, he was of opinion, that the casus fœderis did clearly exist. War, however, might still be prevented; and he hoped for the cordial assistance of France, by negotiations, in preventing the breaking out of hostilities, in bringing his Catholic majesty to a just sense of his own danger, to a proper feeling of what was due both to his dignity and his interest, and to the obligations of good faith.

Lord Lansdowne also declared his full approbation of the proposed measure; and the address was carried without a dissentient voice.

The unanimity which prevailed in parliament on this decisive measure, was not more perfect than was the universal concurrence of sentiment regarding it, which existed throughout the country. The reasons on which it was founded, and the promptitude with which it had been adopted, inspired confidence; the ardour, the manliness, the deep tone of generous feeling with which it had been defended, excited esteem and admiration. Never were a government and its subjects in more complete unison. The activity of the public offices

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