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going into a committee on these estimates, Mr. Spring Rice opposed the Speaker's leaving the chair, directing his resistance against the sums which it was proposed to vote to the Association for the Prevention of Vice, and to what was known by the name of the Kildare-place Society. To the first he objected as an improper application of public money; were its objects within the province of the church, and by the church its funds ought to be supplied. Of the 12,500l. to be voted, not less than 2,500l. were for catechetical premiums in Dublin alone, while catechetical duties formed a part of the duty of the clergy. The schools, likewise, of this association were at once too limited in number, and too protestant in principle, to effect any extensive good. To the vote, again, of 100,050l. for the Kildareplace Society he objected; first, because that association asserted that it could extend the benefits of education to one hundred thousand children, whereas the number actually educated was only fifty-two thousand, four hundred and four, -Secondly, because the schools of the association were not equally open to Protestants and to Catholics; for, out of the fity-two thousand, four hundred and four, only, one half were Catholics. Thirdly, because the teachers were Protestants, and the church catechism was taught. The compulsory reading of the Scriptures was the great objection Catholics had to entering these schools; and it was the duty of the state to take care that all classes of the community should be educated without any compulsory conditions of this kind. With equal fairness, a Catholic might be required to sign, as the sine qua non of admission, the declaration against

transubstantiation. He moved the following resolution "That this House concurs in the opinion expressed unanimously by the commissioners of education, and assented to by the archbishop of Armagh, and archbishop of Cashel, that no general plan of education in Ireland, however wisely and explicitly arranged in other respects, can be carried into execution, unless it be avowed and clearly understood as a leading principle, that no attempt will be made to interfere with any peculiar tenets or distinct religion."

The motion was supported by Mr. Fitzgerald, who thought that the associations in question could never do good, because they were governed by rules which necessarily made the Catholics of Ireland their opponents; and that no real benefit could be expected until the superintendence of education, as a matter of public concern, was vested in a responsible and impartial public board. To prevent the schools of Ireland from continuing to be each merely an arena, on which the Protestant and Catholic clergymen were contending for scholars, it was essential not to interfere with the religious instruction of the children. The use of the Bible without notes, and of the church catechism, would disappoint all attempts to educate Catholics by means of societies; for any plan of education which did not conciliate the Catholics, and obtain the co-operation of their priests, must necessarily fail. Why introduce such a bone of contention? for all candid persons must admit that the Bible was not necessary for the purposes of school education. It was not used as a school-book in those seminaries where the members of that House were educated; it was not put, as a book of in

struction, into the hands of the boys at Eton, Westminster, or Harrow; nor was it used for such a purpose even in the under-graduate course at Cambridge or Oxford. The House ought to establish a general system of education, excluding religious instruction from the schools, and allow the people to read the Bible of their own accord. If the lower classes were permitted to follow their own inclinations, instead of having the Scriptures forced upon them, they would provide themselves with Bibles; and even the command not to look into them, would cease to have any effect. Mr. Fitzgerald, however, gave a description of the state of education in Ireland, the principal features of which seemed to be equally novel and picturesque, and constituted what Mr. Peel very justly denominated a picture of over-education, and what he hoped parliament would have too much good sense either to sanction or encourage. "So far," said Mr. Fitzgerald, "from the peasantry of Ireland being in the state of ignorance which is attributed to them, I am convinced that in any district they will be found better educated than the inhabitants of any corresponding proportion of the empire. Perhaps I should except Scotland, where the people are all well instructed; but my assertion is unquestionably true, as far as regards England. At all events, I can answer for my own constituents, and am ready to set them against the peasantry of any part of England of the same dimensions as the county which I have the honour to represent. The very poorest class of persons in that county can not only read and write, but are well versed in the higher attainments, in Arithmetic, Al

gebra, Greek, and Latin. I do not mean to challenge the members of this House, although I feel that, with the exception of the learned professions, and, perhaps, some coteries of blue-stocking ladies, the poor peasantry of the county Kerry are more learned than the majority of those who compose even the higher circles about London. It is not an unusual thing to see a poor, bare-legged boy, running about with a Homer, a Cicero, or a Horace, under his arm."

By those who opposed the motion, it was admitted, that any attempt to make proselytism a part of a system of education, must occasion its failure; and that it was most desirable, if not imperative, to avoid intermeddling with the religious instruction of the Catholics in any way which might wound their feelings, or be inconsistent with their faith. There seemed to be nothing objectionable in the principle of the proposition of Dr. Murray, that the children of Catholics and Protestants should be educated together; that they should learn in common, but receive their religious instruction respectively from their own pastors. Still, however, the societies in question had done much good; they were rapidly gaining ground in the estimation not only of the more wealthy and intelligent classes of the community, but likewise amongst those whose opinions were, if possible, of more importance-those for the education of whose children the societies existed: and, if parliament would only compare the state of education in Ireland before their formation, with the progress which had since been made, and the amelioration which their exertions had effected, it would hesitate to condemn them,

while there was nothing more efficient to substitute in their place. Mr. Peel said, the question put was, whether, in untried anticipations of exaggerated success, the House would put aside existing institutions, which, though imperfect, were admitted to be doing good, and certainly more good than could be accomplished if they were put down before other and better ones were matured. The formation of a local board for the superintendence of an object like that in question, was attended, in the case of Ireland, with greater difficulties than was imagined. He himself, when officially connected with Ireland, had prepared a bill for the purpose of selecting six or seven persons to superintend education in that country; and not until after various deliberations, not only with persons of his own party, but with those who were politically opposed to him, had he relinquished his intention of bringing that measure forward. They all dreaded the consequence of establishing a public government board; they thought the people would take alarm when they found that government had constituted such a board, and that it would be regarded as intended to effect other purposes than were avowed. Being thus compelled to give up that measure, he looked around for other means of carrying into effect the object which he had in view; and he found a private society already in existence, consisting of all sects, Protestants, Presbyterians, and Catholics. To that society the management of the funds granted by parliament had then been intrusted. He protested therefore, against the hasty extinction of a society, which, if it effected no

other good, at all events disseminated throughout Ireland a great number of valuable books; publications, too, which, except in one instance, were never objected to by those who were most opposed to them in religious feeling. The abolition of an institution which afforded instruction to fifty thousand children, twenty-five thousand of whom were of the Catholic persuasion, must be regarded as a positive and serious loss to the country. It appeared from returns then on the table of the House, that, of approved books, there were distributed by the Kildare Association, in 1818, fifty thousand; in 1820, one hundred and twenty-three thousand; in 1821, one hundred and fifty-three thousand; in 1822, one hundred and eighty-five thousand; in 1823, one hundred and six thousand; in 1824, one hundred and twentyone thousand; and, during the last year, one hundred and seventy-two thousand eight hundred and sixteen. Another strong proof of the utility of the institution was, that the commissioners, on examining the "Model School," found in it four hundred boys, of whom one hundred and fifty were of the established religion, two hundred and twenty-five Catholics, and the rest Dissenters; while of girls there were, seventynine Protestants, and no fewer than two hundred and nine Catholics. This simple fact showed clearly that the institution was not acting on principles of exclusion. It should moreover be remembered that these children were to be the future teachers throughout all the schools of the society.

The effect of passing the resolutions would be, to cast a stigma on the Kildare-street

society; and, therefore, if they were pressed to a division, he must negative them, a step which he should most unwillingly take; because, in the general principle on which they were founded, he perfectly concurred. With respect to the expediency of making religious instruction a part of public education, he hoped that we should never see a system of public education, either in Ireland or else where, that was not founded on the Christian religion, or a race of young philosophers who had de rived their knowledge of moral duties from any other source.

Mr. Rice withdrew his motion; but a division was pressed on the motion for granting 19,500l. for the Protestant chartered schools. Mr. Hume resisted the motion, because it was an expenditure of a certain quantity of pounds, shillings, and pence, for a purpose which he would not allow to be either useful or charitable; and by other members, on the ground of the abuses and oppressions in the management of these schools detailed in the report of the preceding year. They opposed any vote of money, until steps should have been taken to prevent the recurrence of such abuses, and to punish the masters against whom such charges of misconduct had been brought. At all events, they argued, as those who had the superintendance of the schools, and into the hands of whom this money was to come, had shown themselves, by allowing those abuses to grow up, and those oppressions to be practised, either utterly unable, or utterly unwilling, to perform their duty, it would be unjustifiable to put the money again under their control. Sir John Newport accordingly moved an amendment, which went to place

the money at the disposal of the lord lieutenant. It was opposed by Mr. Goulbourn, because it was unjust to make the managers of a concern responsible for evils which they could not detect, or to condemn unheard the committee of fifteen, who had used every possible diligence; and it was negatived by a majority of 42 to 19.

In these discussions, which had all some reference to religion, government evidently manifested no desire to conceal or perpetuate abuses, or any disinclination to cautious and practicable amendment; and it carried the same spirit into other departments more strictly connected with the civil administration of Ireland. A committee on the state of that country had presented a report in 1825, recommending the adoption of various measures. Several of these recommendations were, during this session, carried into effect, while others, such as the improvement of the system of grand juries, and the abolition of votes created fictitiously upon forty-shilling freeholds, presented difficulties which could be overcome, and opposing interests which could be reconciled, only by proceeding with much deliberation. An act was passed consolidating the laws for the regulation and management of prisons, placing them under inspectors rewarded by salaries, which seemed sufficient to insure officers of character and responsibility, and introducing an uniform system of prison discipline. Better regulations were laid down for the administration of justice in towns corporate, and other local jurisdictions; and provision was made to remedy the inequalities of local assessments, by introducing an uniform valuation of baronies, parishes,

and other divisions of counties. Another act made provision for a more convenient and abundant distribution of lunatic asylums throughout the island; but the most important measure of the session affecting Ireland was, the "act to amend the law of Ireland respecting the assignment and subletting of lands and tenements," by which some check was put to that infinite division, not of property, but of the use of property, which has tended so strongly to impoverish and degrade the rural population of Ireland. The intention of the statute was, to prevent the sub-letting of property by a lessee, whether the original lease contained a covenant against sub-letting, or was silent on the point, and, in both cases, to render the express consent of the landlord indispensable to the validity of the lease. It enacts, that in cases where the original lease contains covenants prohibiting, controlling, or regulating, the assignment or sub-letting of the lands, nothing whatever which may be done by the lessor shall be held, or construed to be, on his part, a waiver of any of the benefits of these covenants. To render the assignment or sub-lease effectual to the sub-tenant, the consent of the proprietor and his dispensing with the covenants in his favour, must not only be express, but must be expressed in a particular form. If the sub-lease be by a written instrument, his consent must be expressed by his signing and sealing that instrument, along with the principal parties to

it ; if it be verbal, his consent must be expressed by a writing under his own hand. The forms not

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being complied with, not only may the proprietor re-enter into possession, but the lessee has no action to recover either rent or possession from his sub-tenant, whatever may be the covenants of the sub-lease. The same general provisions are applied, even when the original lease contains no covenant "prohibiting, controlling, or regulating," the assigning or subletting of the lands. Unless the lease contain an express clause authorizing the tenant to assign, or sub-let, the sub-lease, to be valid, must be signed or indorsed by the proprietor, or, if it be verbal, must be confirmed by his written authority: all constructive or parole waivers are excluded. If the sub-lease be granted according to the provisions of the act, the receipt of the lessee for the rent is declared good against the proprietor, and all deriving right from him by any title posterior to his consent to the sublease; and if the lessee fall in arrear for two

-s of the rent, the receipt of the proprietor is, against him, a good discharge to the sub-lessee.

Another provision of this act secured farms against discretionary sub-division at the will of a tenant upon his death. If the lease bears date prior to 1st June, 1826, and contains no prohibition against assigning or sub-letting, or if it bears date subsequent to 1st June, 1826, and contains an express authority to sub-let, in either of these two cases the tenant may devise the lands, under his lease, to what number of persons he may choose. But, with these exceptions, he is deprived of the power of so devising the lands by his last will and testament, as to sub-divide them

among several persons. The distribution of property which the

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