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however, was still kept before the eye of both Houses by petitions from different districts and bodies in Ireland, particularly those presented to the House of Peers, by lords Darnley and Grey, and the marquis of Lansdown, and to the Commons by sir Francis Burdett, and Mr. Brougham. The petitions were more especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided allegiance; evidently on account of the weight which the argument of the AntiCatholics on this point had carried with it, or had seemed to carry with it, in the debate of the preceding session. Lord Darnley, in fact, in presenting a petition from Drogheda, proceeded to answer

of his learning, and the suavity of his

manners.

"I wish no physical ill to the royal duke; but if he has thrown his oath in the way of our liberties, and that as long as he lives justice shall not be done to the people of Ireland, it is mockery to tell me that the people of Ireland have not an interest in his ceasing to live. Death is the corrector of human errors; it is said to be man's hour for repentance, and God's opportunity. If the royal duke should not become converted from his political errors, I am perfectly resigned to the will of God, and shall abide the result with the most christian resignation [laughter and cheers]. The Whigs, and, amongst others, lord Grosvenor, have blamed us for the honest expression of our opinions. I blame the Whigs for this. A former duke of York, the legitimate king of England, was dethroned by the English Whigs, although he had never taken an oath against their rights and liberties; and who, instead of endeavouring to injure a single Protestant in person or in property, could be only charged with the crime of proclaiming perfect liberty of conscience. Only contrast the duke of York whom they dethroned with our modern duke!"

*

"We will drag before the House of Commons the enormous abuses of the

the speech of lord Liverpool deli.vered the year before, and characterized the imputation of divided allegiance as "a false pretence,' because the Catholics in all their pe tions declared, that, in the oaths which they took, and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his majesty alone. Lord Liverpool answered, that although he never doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument; for his argument was that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil obedience to our own sovereign.

At the same time, a sort of schism threatened to take place

established church [loud cheers]. We will call for the restoration of the people's property. Through the doors of the House of Commons we will tell the peasantry that their property is in the hands of men who abuse and trample on them. We will announce to them who are the robbers of the poor, and when we have done that, let such statesmen as Liverpool and Peel keep us unemancipated, in order to strengthen and secure the established church."

*

"England's weakness is our advantage. I do not rejoice at individual distress or misfortune, but I cannot help being gratified by the national misfortunes of England. Her revenue is on the decline, while her expenditure is increasing. I read with pleasure of the cheers with which the speech of Mr. Canning was received at the Man sion-house in London, when he told them that there was not the least danger of war-all was hush! Oh! humiliated England! When before did she fear battle; and was not the peace of the world at her disposal? Was she not always ready to enter the field at the call of glory, interest, or honour? But Mr. Canning told these good boys that there was no danger of the peace of the world being disturbed. I understand his meaning well-England dare not go to war while Ireland remains discontented."

between the Catholics and the Dissenters. It appeared to the former, that the Dissenters, from whom as also labouring under political disqualifications they naturally looked for sympathy and support, had either openly joined the body of their opponents, or had manifested only a cold and discouraging neutrality, not reflecting, that the liniment applied annually, in the shape of an Indemnity bill, to the sores of the Dissenters, prevented that constant irritation which kept the wounds of the Catholics perpetually green, especially under the care of such rash, and ignorant, and interested, practitioners as the associated agitators; and that it is never easy to rouse men to battle for an abstract principle, where no practical inconvenience is felt, or supposed to be felt, from its non-assertion. Lord Darnley complained bitterly of their inconsistency in pressing the abolition of negro slavery, and resisting the abolition of Catholic disabilities. 66 They form," said his lordship, "a powerful and numerous sect in this country, and are undoubtedly respectable and well-meaning: yet, while they were urging the government and parliament to precipitate the emancipation of the negroes, they were busily engaged last year, in most unnatural connection with the High Church party, in inducing their lordships to reject the prayer of the Catholics of Ireland. In one breath, these persons called upon parliament to precipitate a measure, the precipitation of which it was by no means impossible might compromise the safety of the colonies, and to deny to Ireland that emancipation by which alone her tranquillity and safety could be effectually secured." Perhaps

the Dissenters might have answered, without being thought to violate sound reasoning, that, although Dissenters, they were Protestants; that apprehensions of the influence of foreign spiritual supremacy, the conviction of the degrading and debasing effects of the Catholic superstition in all the relations of life, and the reasonable dread that all its powerful control over the minds of its adherents must be, and would be, directed to the overthrow of the Protestant religion, and of the form of government that gave supremacy to protestantism--that all these causes of opposition, whether well founded or not, were common to all Protestants; and that no inconsistency could exist in the union of a churchman and a dissenter to repel a common danger.

While the claims of the Catholics were merely the subject of incidental remarks, the condition of the Protestant church in Ireland, the discharge of its duties, and the management of its funds, were frequently made the subjects of more direct discussion.

In the House of Lords, lord Kingston moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the Protestant church in the province of Munster. He founded his motion upon the evils which he stated to have arisen from the union of livings, and the consequent want of churches to which the Protestant people might repair. In the province in question his lordship stated, it had not been uncommon to unite five, six, or seven livings in one person; and, in many parishes, if the Protestant inhabitants wished spiritual consolation, or to have the benefit of religious worship, the nearest clergyman who could advise them,

however, was still kept before the eye of both Houses by petitions from different districts and bodies in Ireland, particularly those presented to the House of Peers, by lords Darnley and Grey, and the marquis of Lansdown, and to the Commons by sir Francis Burdett, and Mr. Brougham. The petitions were more especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided allegiance; evidently on account of the weight which the argument of the AntiCatholics on this point had carried with it, or had seemed to carry with it, in the debate of the preceding session. Lord Darnley, in fact, in presenting a petition from Drogheda, proceeded to answer

of his learning, and the suavity of his

manners.

"I wish no physical ill to the royal duke; but if he has thrown his oath in the way of our liberties, and that as long as he lives justice shall not be done to the people of Ireland, it is mockery to tell me that the people of Ireland have not an interest in his ceasing to live. Death is the corrector of human errors; it is said to be man's hour for repentance, and God's opportunity. If the royal duke should not become converted from his political errors, I am perfectly resigned to the will of God, and shall abide the result with the most christian resignation [laughter and cheers]. The Whigs, and, amongst others, lord Grosvenor, have blamed us for the honest expression of our opinions. I blame the Whigs for this. A former duke of York, the legitimate king of England, was dethroned by the English Whigs, although he had never taken an oath against their rights and liberties; and who, instead of endeavouring to injure a single Protestant in person or in property, could be only charged with the crime of proclaiming perfect liberty of conscience. Only contrast the duke of York whom they dethroned with our modern duke!"

*

"We will drag before the House of Commons the enormous abuses of the

the speech of lord Liverpool deli.vered the year before, and cha racterized the imputation of divided allegiance as "a false pretence," because the Catholics in all their pe tions declared, that, in the oaths which they took, and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his majesty alone. Lord Liverpool answered, that although he never doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument; for his argument was that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil obedience to our own sovereign.

At the same time, a sort of schism threatened to take place

established church [loud cheers]. We will call for the restoration of the people's property. Through the doors of the House of Commons we will tell the peasantry that their property is in the hands of men who abuse and trample on them. We will announce to them who are the robbers of the poor, and when we have done that, let such statesmen as Liverpool and Peel keep us unemancipated, in order to strengthen and secure the established church."

"England's weakness is our advantage. I do not rejoice at individual distress or misfortune, but I cannot help being gratified by the national misfortunes of England. Her revenue is on the decline, while her expenditure is increasing. I read with pleasure of the cheers with which the speech of Mr. Canning was received at the Mansion-house in London, when he told them that there was not the least danger of war-all was hush! Oh! humiliated England! When before did she fear battle; and was not the peace of the world at her disposal? Was she not always ready to enter the field at the call of glory, interest, or honour? But Mr. Canning told these good boys that there was no danger of the peace of the world being disturbed. I understand his meaning well-England dare not go to war while Ireland remains discontented."

between the Catholics and the Dissenters. It appeared to the former, that the Dissenters, from whom as also labouring under political disqualifications they naturally looked for sympathy and support, had either openly joined the body of their opponents, or had manifested only a cold and discouraging neutrality, not reflecting, that the liniment applied annually, in the shape of an Indemnity bill, to the sores of the Dissenters, prevented that constant irritation which kept the wounds of the Catholics perpetually green, especially under the care of such rash, and ignorant, and interested, practitioners as the associated agitators; and that it is never easy to rouse men to battle for an abstract principle, where no practical inconvenience is felt, or supposed to be felt, from its non-assertion. Lord Darnley complained bitterly of their inconsistency in pressing the abolition of negro slavery, and resisting the abolition of Catholic disabilities. "They form," said his lordship, "a powerful and numerous sect in this country, and are undoubtedly respectable and well-meaning: yet, while they were urging the government and parliament to precipitate the emancipation of the negroes, they were busily engaged last year, in most unnatural connection with the High Church party, in inducing their lordships to reject the prayer of the Catholics of Ireland. In one breath, these persons called upon parliament to precipitate a measure, the precipitation of which it was by no means impossible might compromise the safety of the colonies, and to deny to Ireland that emancipation by which alone her tranquillity and safety could be effectually secured." Perhaps

the Dissenters might have answered, without being thought to violate sound reasoning, that, although Dissenters, they were Protestants; that apprehensions of the influence of foreign spiritual supremacy, the conviction of the degrading and debasing effects of the Catholic superstition in all the relations of life, and the reasonable dread that all its powerful control over the minds of its adherents must be, and would be, directed to the overthrow of the Protestant religion, and of the form of government that gave supremacy to protestantism--that all these causes of opposition, whether well founded or not, were common to all Protestants; and that no inconsistency could exist in the union of a churchman and a dissenter to repel a common danger.

While the claims of the Catholics were merely the subject of incidental remarks, the condition of the Protestant church in Ireland, the discharge of its duties, and the management of its funds, were frequently made the subjects of more direct discussion.

In the House of Lords, lord Kingston moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the Protestant church in the province of Munster. He founded his motion upon the evils which he stated to have arisen from the union of livings, and the consequent want of churches to which the Protestant people might repair. In the province in question his lordship stated, it had not been uncommon to unite five, six, or seven livings in one person; and, in many parishes, if the Protestant inhabitants wished spiritual consolation, or to have the benefit of religious worship, the nearest clergyman who could advise them,

however, was still kept before the eye of both Houses by petitions from different districts and bodies in Ireland, particularly those presented to the House of Peers, by lords Darnley and Grey, and the marquis of Lansdown, and to the Commons by sir Francis Burdett, and Mr. Brougham. The petitions were more especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided allegiance; evidently on account of the weight which the argument of the AntiCatholics on this point had carried with it, or had seemed to carry with it, in the debate of the preceding session. Lord Darnley, in fact, in presenting a petition from Drogheda, proceeded to answer

of his learning, and the suavity of his

manners.

"I wish no physical ill to the royal duke; but if he has thrown his oath in the way of our liberties, and that as long as he lives justice shall not be done to the people of Ireland, it is mockery to tell me that the people of Ireland have not an interest in his ceasing to live. Death is the corrector of human errors; it is said to be man's hour for repentance, and God's opportunity. If the royal duke should not become converted from his political errors, I am perfectly resigned to the will of God, and shall abide the result with the most christian resignation [laughter and cheers]. The Whigs, and, amongst others, lord Grosvenor, have blamed us for the honest expres sion of our opinions. I blame the Whigs for this. A former duke of York, the legitimate king of England, was dethroned by the English Whigs, although he had never taken an oath against their rights and liberties; and who, instead of endeavouring to injure a single Protestant in person or in property, could be only charged with the crime of proclaiming perfect liberty of conscience. Only contrast the duke of York whom they dethroned with our modern duke !"

"We will drag before the House of Commons the enormous abuses of the

the speech of lord Liverpool deli.vered the year before, and characterized the imputation of divided allegiance as "a false pretence," because the Catholics in all their petions declared, that, in the oaths which they took, and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his majesty alone. Lord Liverpool answered, that although he never doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument; for his argument was that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil obedience to our own sovereign.

At the same time, a sort of schism threatened to take place

established church [loud cheers]. We will call for the restoration of the people's property. Through the doors of the House of Commons we will tell the peasantry that their property is in the hands of men who abuse and trample on them. We will announce to them who are the robbers of the poor, and when we have done that, let such statesmen as Liverpool and Peel keep us unemancipated, in order to strengthen and secure the established church."

"England's weakness is our advantage. I do not rejoice at individual distress or misfortune, but I cannot help being gratified by the national misfortunes of England. Her revenue is on the decline, while her expenditure is increasing. I read with pleasure of the cheers with which the speech of Mr. Canning was received at the Mansion-house in London, when he told them that there was not the least danger of war-all was hush! Oh! humiliated England! When before did she fear battle; and was not the peace of the world at her disposal? Was she not always ready to enter the field at the call of glory, interest, or honour? But Mr. Canning told these good boys that there was no danger of the peace of the world being disturbed. I understand his meaning well-England dare not go to war while Ireland remains discontented."

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