with the further condition, that the proposal, when thoroughly discussed, shall be approved.' Nor are these the only 'conditions' to be observed. The English Church,' says Mr. Gladstone, appears to be eminently suited, in many and weighty points, to the needs of the coming time.' It cannot be touched 'except with a large observance of the principles of equity and liberality, as well as with the general consent of the nation.' On the other hand, Mr. Gladstone takes care that, if the door is not flung wide open to the assailants of the Church, it shall be left ajar. He cannot afford to throw over the Church party bodily, but he is anxious to secure the support of the abolitionists. As for gratuitous education, it is a topic on which Mr. Gladstone desires to 'reserve a final judgment.' Ireland must be kept as a part of the Empire, but enlarged powers should be granted for the management of its own affairs. We really do not see what a Conservative can find to object to in this latter proposition, or why any elector who agrees with it should refuse to vote for the Conservative Party.

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Let any one compare the crooked and stealthy utterances of Mr. Gladstone with the frank and manly declaration of policy made by Lord Salisbury at Newport, and then decide which of these two public men has the highest claim to the confidence and support of a nation that prides itself on its honesty and fearlessness. Mr. Gladstone faintly shadows forth a hesitating policy, in the spirit of an experienced political trimmer; Lord Salisbury avows in plain English what he means and what he wants. Whether in regard to home or foreign affairs, he is equally downright and explicit. He would not seek to bolster up the Turkish Empire when its rule is inconsistent with the welfare of populations.' In any such case as that, his policy would lead him to foster strong self-sustaining nationalities, who shall make a genuine and important contribution to the future freedom and independence of Europe.' The greatest lover of freedom could not ask for more. In reference to local government, our leader declares that 'large reforms are necessary,' and he defines the general principle which should be pursued in a single clear sentence-people in their own localities should govern themselves.' To embody this principle in suitable legislation would undoubtedly be one great object of the Conservative Party, and it is the only party which can be trusted to do the work in a spirit of perfect fairness. As for the questions of 'Sunday closing' and 'local option,' Lord Salisbury is evidently disposed to leave the working classes to decide them in their own way, and as these are the classes chiefly concerned, no `ther position could well be taken up by

the

the Prime Minister under the existing conditions of political life. But Lord Salisbury keeps nothing in concealment-he takes care to let it be known that he does not think it just that people who do not want to drink beer should put a muzzle on the mouths of people who do. It is, we repeat, essentially one of those matters which working inen ought to be left to settle in accordance with their own wishes and opinions.

On the more important question of Ireland, Lord Salisbury sweeps away at once the preposterous suggestion, that the Tory party is willing to enter into any compromise or negociation with a view to the dissolution of the Union. We are disposed to believe that comparatively few Irishmen really hold, that separation from England is attainable, or that, if attainable, it would be to the advantage of their own country. However that may be, Lord Salisbury plainly tells the nation that he and his colleagues and party look upon the integrity of the Empire as a matter more important than almost any other political consideration,' and that they could not regard with favour any proposal which directly or indirectly menaced that which is the first condition of England's position among the nations of the world.' This statement-affording, as it does a great contrast in every respect to Mr. Gladstone's shifty and subtle phrases-ought to put an end at once and for ever to the wild aspersions upon the Conservative Party, which many leading Liberals have not been ashamed to repeat. To local government, Ireland is as much entitled as any other part of the country, and she ought to have it; but total separation could only bring ruin upon her, and innumerable disasters upon her people.

Every Conservative will observe with pleasure that Lord Salisbury declares himself, with much heartiness, in favour of drawing the people of the Colonies nearer to England—an object which ought to be uppermost in the heart of every statesman, but which was passed over by Mr. Gladstone without a single word. Our Colonial Empire has never been regarded by Mr. Gladstone, or by the Liberal party, with favourable eyes. Mr. Cobden thought it a burden, Mr. Bright has generally referred to it as an encumbrance, Mr. Chamberlain scarcely ever makes any allusion to it, and Mr. Gladstone treats it with insulting silence. The Conservatives will be guided by very different feelings, and we may fairly hope to see, when they are in power, an approach made to some well-considered scheme of Imperial Federation. The Radicals seek to divert attention from our Colonies, and the extension of our commerce in Asia and Africa-the only directions in which we can reasonably look

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for new life for our depressed industries-by devising schemes for increasing the burden of local rates, in order that land may be divided, and that indolent or neglectful parents may be enabled to educate their children at the expense of their neighbours. Lord Salisbury has shown the fallacies and deceptions involved in these propositions, and he has also warned us, in language which cannot fail to produce a powerful and lasting effect upon the country, against the insidious attempts of Mr. Morley and others to banish all religious influences from the education of the young. Mr. Chamberlain's scheme of Free Education' would add so immensely to the local rates, that the public could not and would not support the burden, and the demand for relief would soon become irresistible. This contingency has, of course, been foreseen by Mr. Chamberlain and his friends, and it falls in well with their plans. Their anticipation is, that the new requirements created by the additional cost of education to the State, would have to be provided for out of Church property, and that in this way a plausible pretext would be given for confiscation. Religious education, and voluntary and denominational schools, are all to be thrown aside. We are, as a nation, to repudiate Christianity. The design is at once bold and crafty, but we cannot believe that it will succeed. It was most necessary and most desirable that at such a moment as this, the people should receive the most emphatic assurance, that the Conservative Party will have no share in this evil work; that it will stand resolutely by the 'principles of Christianity,' which Englishmen were once ready to die for, much as they are now decried and defamed by Radical pedants and adventurers. The Church, as part of the body which represents these principles, will be defended to the last. It is,' said Lord Salisbury, a matter of life and death to us.' He will have no vacillation and no compromise: the 'two voices' of Mr. Gladstone's manifesto are put to silence, and we hope to shame. It is at once the duty and the privilege of the Conservative Party to support that sacred institution' which has held up the torch of truth, and has maintained the truths of Christianity before the world.'

These are noble words, worthy of a statesmen whose views of public life and duty are far too lofty to admit of any paltering with the vast and momentous issues soon to be submitted to the judgment of the nation. We look forward with confidence to the day when that judgment will be pronounced. We find our party everywhere animated by a profound belief in the justice of its cause, and by a determination to make that cause triumphant. The Conservatives offer to the country a strong - Vol. 161.-No. 322.

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and vigorous government, anxious to maintain peace, and pursuing the ends which lead to peace, while resolutely defending the rights and interests of the Empire. It will do all that a government can possibly do to restore prosperity to trade, and to defend civil and religious freedom; it will avoid the harassing warfare upon classes which has already resulted in so much suffering, loss, and harm, and which, if further pursued, can only produce an aggravation of the evils we now see around · us-capital driven from our shores, or no longer flowing freely into commercial channels; agriculture and manufactures alike depressed; all enterprise arrested, because no one knows what the next day may bring forth. These evils we may reasonably hope to see disappear under a strong Conservative Administration, and such an Administration we expect to see in power before we are next called upon to address our readers.