Holland--an event that will greatly add to the national importance of America, not only in the councils of Europe, but through the world.

The resolution of Congress respecting damages which the inhabitants of this State have received from the British enemy I can not carry into effect until I have an act of assembly for this purpose, to point out the particular mode in obtaining the same; the account of which, as soon as it can be procured from the different parts of the State, shall be transmitted to you without loss of time.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

ALEXANDER MARTIN.

Livingston to the Governors of the States."

PHILADELPHIA, December 23, 1782.

SIR: The steps that may lead to so important an event as peace upon safe and honorable terins are too interesting to be withheld from you. I have the honor, therefore, to enclose a copy of Mr. Oswald's commission to treat with the thirteen United States of America, which will certainly smooth the way to it, though the variety of interests to be adjusted at a general congress (and perhaps, too, the success of the British arms at Gibraltar) may place it further off than our wishes would otherwise lead us to imagine.

Your Excellency will see the propriety of not suffering copies of this commission to be taken for the press, and of accompanying the communication you may think proper to make of it with such recommendations to exertion and vigilance as prudence and the critical state of our affairs may require, since on a review of the conduct of the enemy it will not appear extravagant to suppose that this may be another of those artifices so often practiced to deceive and put us off our guard. Though we have no official accounts, yet we have every reason to believe that the treaty of commerce with the United Provinces was signed on the 7th of October.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Madison's Report of Debates in Congress.t

TUESDAY, December 24, 1782.

The letter from Mr. Jay, enclosing a copy of the intercepted letter from Marbois, was laid before Congress. The tenor of it, with the comments of Mr. Jay, affected deeply the sentiments of Congress with regard to France. The policy, in particular, manifested by France of

* MSS. Dep. of State; 6 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 209.

+1 Madison Papers, 236.

WH-VOL VI-11

keeping us tractable by leaving the British in possession of posts in this country awakened strong jealousies, corroborated the charges on that subject, and with concomitant circumstances may engender the opposite extreme of the gratitude and cordiality now felt towards France; as the closest friends in a rupture are apt to become the bitterest foes. Much will depend, however, on the course pursued by Britain. The liberal one Oswald seems to be pursuing will much promote an alienation of temper in America from France. It is not improbable that the intercepted letter from Marbois came through Oswald's hands. If Great Britain, therefore, yields the fisheries and the back territory, America will feel the obligation to her, not to France, who appears to be liberal as to the first and favorable to Spain as to the second object, and consequently has forfeited the confidence of the States interested in either of them. Candor will suggest, however, that the situation in France is and has been extremely perplexing. The object of her blood and money was not only the independence, but the commerce and gratitude, of America; the commerce to render independence the more useful, the gratitude to render that commerce the more permanent. It was necessary therefore, she supposed, that America should be exposed to the cruelties of her enemies and be made sensible of her own weakness, in order to be grateful to the hand that relieved her. This policy, if discovered, tended, on the other hand, to spoil the whole. Experience shows that her truest policy would have been to relieve America by the most direct and generous means, and to have mingled with them no artifice whatever. With respect to Spain also the situation of France has been peculiarly delicate. The claims and views of Spain and America interfere. The former attempts of Britain to seduce Spain to a separate peace, and the ties of France with the latter, whom she had drawn into the war, required her to favor Spain, at least to a certain degree, at the expense of America. Of this Great Britain is taking advantage. If France adheres to Spain, Great Britain espouses the views of America, and endeavors to draw her off from France. If France adheres to America in her claims, Britain might espouse those of Spain, and produce a breach between her and France; and in either case Britain would divide her enemies. If France acts wisely she will in this dilemma prefer the friendship of America to that of Spain. If America acts wisely, she will see that she is, with respect to her great interests, more in danger of being seduced by Britain than sacrificed by France.*

*See infra, Dec. 30, 1782.

Franklin to Livingston.*

PASSY, December 24, 1782. SIR: Sundry circumstances occurring since mine of the 5th and 14th have hitherto retarded the departure of our despatches. They will now go under the security of a British passport, be accompanied by a sum of money, and by some further intelligence from England, which shows the still unsettled state of minds there, and, together with the difficulties and small progress in the Dutch and Spanish negociations, makes the speedy conclusion of peace still uncertain.

The Swedish ambassador has exchanged full powers with me. I send a copy of his herewith. We have had some conferences on the proposed plan of our treaty, and he has despatched a courier for further instructions respecting some of the articles.

The commissioners have joined in a letter to you, recommending the consideration of a proposal from Mr. Bridgen relating to copper coin. With this you have a copy of that proposal and a sample of the copper. If it should be accepted I conceive the weight and value of the pieces (charge of coinage deducted) should be such that they be aliquot parts of a Spanish dollar. By the copy enclosed of an old letter of mine to Mr. Bridgen you will see the ideas I had of the additional utility such a coinage might be of in communicating instruction.f

DECEMBER 25.

Enclosed is a copy of a letter just received from the Count de Vergennes upon the present state of negociation with England.‡ With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.,

B. FRANKLIN.

Powers of the Swedish Ambassador to Treat.

[Translation.]

Gustavus, by the grace of God King of Sweden, of the Goths and Vandals, &c., &c., &c., heir of Norway, Duke of Sleswick-Holstein, of Stormaria, and of Ditmarsen, Count of Oldenburgh and of Delmen horst, &c., &c., makes known, that the United States of North America, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex on the Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, having obtained the fruit of their courage and constancy, and their independence being duly and solidly acknowledged and established, we, in consequence of our desire to con

* MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 405; 9 Sparks' Franklin, 460; 8 Bigelow's Franklin, 236.

+ See Franklin to Bridgen, October 2, 1779, supra.

Vergennes to Franklin, September 24, 1782.

cur with them in the establishment of certain fixed rules, by which a reciprocal and advantageous commerce may be carried on between Sweden and North America, which may be permanent between the two nations, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint our very dear and wellbeloved Count Gustavus Philip de Creutz, our ambassador extraordinary at the court of France, knight and commander of our orders, and we give him full powers to confer with whomsoever the United States shall have furnished with their powers in due form, to agree on, conclude, and sign such treaty of amity and commerce between us and the said United States as shall be reciprocally advantageous to our subjects, promising, on our word of a King, to agree to everything that our said ambassador shall stipulate, promise, and sign in virtue of the present power, as likewise to make out the ratifications in proper form, and to deliver them to be exchanged at such time as shall be agreed on by the treaty so to do. In faith of which we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have caused our royal seal to be thereunto affixed.

GUSTAVUS,

COUNT ULR. SCHEFFER.

H. Laurens to Livingston.*

PARIS, December 24, 1782.

SIR: Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing by the present conveyance on the 15th instant.

Mr. David Hartley, on the 19th, moved in the British House of Commons,

That an humble address be presented to his majesty, stating that his faithful Commons think it their indispensable duty, not only to return their grateful thanks to his majesty for having adopted the sense of his Parliament and people in having pointed all his views and measures, as well in Europe as in North America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with those Colonies; but likewise to express to his majesty that, whatever may be the result of the general negociation for peace now depending, our conciliatory sentiments towards America remain unaltered, as presented in their humble address to his majesty on that subject in the last session of Parliament; and therefore that this House will consider as enemies to his majesty and this country all those who shall endeavor to frustrate such beneficent dispositions of his majesty by advising, or by any means attempting, the further prosecution of the war on the continent of America.

The motion was seconded by Colonel Hartley. Mr. Secretary Townshend objected, by calling for the journals, and ordering the resolu tions of February and March last to be read, which he alleged were to the same effect as the motion, and were still in full force.

Some debate ensued; and upon a division, the ayes for the motion were 13 and the nays 51. Perhaps it would have been better if the

* MSS. Dep. of State; 1Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 731.

motion had never been forced to a vote than, being forced, to be lost. What were the recent inroads up the Santa Cumbahee, and other rivers in South Carolina? What is the retaining a garrison in Charleston and another in New York but offensive war?

In my own mind I have no doubt but that the court of London would carry on an offensive or any other war or make partial peace, or pursue any means and measures which might best gratify its desires and its apparent interests.

My letters from London of a late date speak the following language:

We are of opinion that a general peace is still far distant, and are not so eager for it. If the preliminary articles between this kingdom and America shall terminate hostilities between us two, let us shake hands and be reconciled with our American brethren; and the nation in general will refer a war to a dishonorable peace with France.

Who is to interpret ?

I am directed to give intelligence, not advice and opinions; but I trust Congress will not be offended with the few sentiments which I shall presume modestly to urge.

The people of England still retain the idea of "OUR colonies," and of "reconciliation." Government gives all possible encouragement to their humor. It has been their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and it is given out in London that they have outmaneuvered the court of France. God forbid that any future act or future supineness on the part of the United States of America should give the smallest degree of countenance to so dishonorable an insinuation. Every engine has been, every degree of craft under the mask of returning affection will be, practiced for creating jealousies between the States and their good and great ally. The United States of America are too wise to be duped, too honorable to commit any act, be their distresses what they may, that shall sully their good faith. Through their ally's assistance and their own virtuous perseverance they attained to those prelimina ries. They will virtuously persevere until they shall have performed every tittle of their engagements with that ally, against whom, I must declare for my own part, I see no cause for entertaining more particu lar jealousy than ought to be kept upon guard against every negociating court in the world, nor half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends. I had occasion to write to the same Mr. David Hartley that I should suspect every superfluous and every deficient word coming from that quarter. Nevertheless, I earnestly wish, and shall continue my utmost endeavors, for obtaining an honorable, well-founded peace with Great Britain. But I will not consent to receiving her wooden horses, nor will I listen to her whispers, or imbibe prejudices against a court which has been a friend to my country in need. Congress will be pleased to pardon this freedom, and accept the zeal of their faithful and most obedient servant,

HENRY LAURENS.