can have no other effect than to excite mutual hatred, and gratuitously to perpetuate the sufferings of the two countries. Our merchant vessels rot in the Tagus, our manufactories are daily closing, our merchants know not how to dispose of the few goods their warehouses contain, our towns are burthened with idle hands whom want of employment reduces to the -lowest misery. Now, our sailors our merchants, our artisans, our labourers, in fact, the whole people, cry aloud for markets for their manufactures and commerce; and from the situation in which we are placed by existing commercial treaties, these markets can only be found for us in Brasil. There we must seek them by a cordial and sincere termination of the protracted discords which ruin Portugal, by depriving her of the only commerce from which she can hope to derive advan tage. It is time to free this important question from all the considerations which self-love, personal resentment, or fear, may have interwoven with it; it is time to make a courageous sacrifice of individual to national interests, to throw away all false appearances, all secret reservations. The reciprocal rights and obligations of Portugal and Brasil ought to be authentically and distinctly determined. Negotiations ought not to be undertaken merely with a view to adjust occasional incidents, but in order to settle, as quickly -as possible, the new relations which sooner or later must subsist between the two states. Each will then be enabled to >derive from her new situation all the advantages of which it it can be made productive. It is useless to endeavour to disguise the fact the separation being actually made in public opinion, in the general wants, and in the present institutions of Brasil, it would be absolute insanity to attempt to re-establish the ancient order of things. Every effort for the accom•plishment of such a purpose would be accompanied or followed by misfortunes interminable as gratuitous; and as to the VOL. I. No. 2.

R R

objections drawn from the necessity of subjecting the policy of Portugal, with regard to her ancient colony, to the rules which govern the policy of foreign cabinets, they are altogether mischievous to the nation. Those objections can be applicable only to Spain, and in the state of dissolution in which we behold that wretched country, the project of blinding ourselves to the imitation of her measures is, in fact, that of attaching a healthful and vigorous body to one given over to death and corruption. It is, moreover, inconsistent both with the dignity and with the interests of: Portugal to embarrass her political system with the difficulties of other states. The minister, who has just proposed the adoption of contrary measures, must also surely have forgotten that the King of Portugal was the first and the only sovereign of Europe who acknowledged the independence of Buenos Ayres, and that he took this step at a time when Spain might, with much more reason than now, have resented it, as injurious to her authority. Let us then no longer leave Brasil in doubt, as to what are the intentions of Portugal. If we do, we drive her to offer to another power that priority in commercial relations and those exclusive advantages of an alliance, which can alone Vindemnify us for what we have lost in the absolute rights of Sovereignty."

* If the Portugueze ministry still possesses a statesman capable of holding such language, Portugal is saved.

The highly respectable individual from whom we received these details assured us, that nothing could equal the electrical effect produced by this energetic appeal upon the council, and even upon the creatures of M. de Pamplona, who till that moment never suspected that it was possible to speak or to think in opposition to their patron. Even the King appeared struck by it, and to the utter despair of his Excellency and of his Reverence, the Council resolved to admit as a basis of ulte

rior negotiation with Brasil, the preliminary recognition of the independence of the empire.

Nevertheless, whatever chauges may take place around ·M. de Pamplona, he remains unshaken in the resolution to sacrifice Portugal to his personal interests. He appears to have steeled himself against humiliation and against remorse -to retain power at any price is the only purpose from which he never deviates. There exists a general persuasion, that the disturbance of the 11th, which he represents to the King as a formidable conspiracy to assassinate the ministers and to compel His Majesty to abdicate in favour of the Infaut Don Miguel, was fomented by him, solely with a view to regain the ascendancy he had partly lost over the timorous mind of the Monarch, and to reduce him to his former state of mental dependence. However this may be, Lisbon believes that, if any conspiracy did actually exist, it threatened neither the life nor the authority of the King, who is universally beloved; but that it was directed solely against the insupportable`tyranny of Pamplona, who, on the contrary, is an object of universal hatred, a hatred totally independent of political opinions.

every body in

If you ask me how it happens that his despotism has so long withstood the force of public opinion so vehemently directed against it, I answer, that there is nothing wonderful in this. First, because public opinion is feeble and inoperative in a country where it is supported neither by liberty of the press nor by powerful bodies, nor by stable institutions; and that in such a state of things, the most mischievous administration may, for a long time, brave it with impunity. Secondly, because it is unfortunately proved by experience, that an inconceivable fatality often condemns our excellent King to grant his exclusive confidence to incapable or to dishonest men; as a proof of the former we may mention the favour which M. Thomas Antonio enjoyed in 1820, and of the latter,

the still more surprising ascendancy of M. de Pamplona. It is however generally hoped, that the domination of the latter approaches its close, and that Portugal, too long misrepresented and calumniated to her Sovereign and to Europe, will soon cease to be a prey to a mean, turbulent, unjust, cruel and hated administration, in which the little Machiavel who turns the nation to his own profit, has the insolence to assert that it can be governed only by corruption, deceit and tyranny. It is perfectly certain that no government in the world can, without danger, continue to employ a man who has so long stood as a mark for all the attacks of satire and invective,

MISCELLANIES.

What an excellent invention is that of advertising in the public papers, particularly in such a great city as London. This species of politico-mercantile-lite'rary salmagundi presents every day new food for public curiosity, such as "a first floor to let", a young person "of an unquestionable character" offering herself as a maid of all work; a young widow of thirty-five who would have no objection to direct the household of a single gentleman provided no man servant be kept; or a Swiss lady of a superior understanding, and who can speak the French language in the purest Helvetian style, who wishes to undertake the education of a young ladies of rank, and whom she will instruct in every thing even including the use of the globes. But the most precious article next to the marriageestablishment of Great St. Helens, is the correspon} dence of His Excellency Manoel de Carvalho Paes d'Andrade, ex-president of the Province of Pernambuco, founder of the confederation of the equator and generalissimo of the armies of the late northern provinces, at present residing at the Tavistock Hotel. This great man has discovered a sure method to get himself talked of, and for the trifling sum of about seven shillings, has been enabled to put the three kingdoms in possession of his sentiments of gratitude towards Captains Hann and Wills R. N. to whom he is indeed under capital obligations. The following is the method he