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The American Monitor.

In the Introduction to this work, we presented a a brief and rapid sketch of the principal features which three months ago distinguished the political and moral condition of South America. The facts of which we gave this summary enumeration, must be classed under two distinct heads. Each of these collections of facts is followed by a chain of consequences, which must by no means be confounded. The former brings to view the rapid and resistless impulse of South America, towards general independence; the latter, the varying course of local circumstances, arising out of this grand agitation. These cannot acquire stability, until the political existence of America be placed upon the basis which religion, justice, humanity, and time, that resistless arbiter of human affairs, imperiously demand.

In our attempt to discriminate, as exactly as possible, what may be regarded as permanent in the present condition of America, and what as transitory, we shewed that the separation from Europe, being completely effected in the popular will and feeling, in the physical wants, and in the moral strength of the nation, ought to be regarded as already accomplished. With regard to the particular and internal regeneration of the emancipated states, we ventured to pronounce our opinion, that their ultimate destiny is still envelop

ed in clouds, that it may be exposed to a thousand different casualties, and may assume the most unexpected forms. In other words, we said that the transition was one of great difficulty, and that America ought to be upon her guard lest she exchange the evils of despotism for those of anarchy.

We shall, for the present, pursue exclusively our enquiry concerning the progress South America has made towards securing her general independence; and shall postpone to a succeeding number, the consideration of the internal political structure of the different states. * No event has recently occurred, which offers any material obstacle to the formation of institutions caculated to secure the internal order and tranquillity of the several states.

We before asserted, that the re-establishment of the relations formerly existing between Europe and America must encounter immense obstacles-we now go further, and affirm that South America is for ever lost to the two parent countries, whose absurd policy daily sacrifices to the phantom of sovereignty, those immense advantages which they might have derived from their long and intimate connection with the old colonies.

This is not a question of opinion, but of fact. It appears to us, that our readers have only to reflect on the perfectly contrary aspect presented by the American states, and by the two European nations who

• The Editors of the American Monitor intend successively to lay before their readers a critical examination of each of the political constitutions which govern the new States of South America. That of Chili will form the subject of an article in our next Number,

claim dominion over them, in order to share our conviction.

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In the former, we see a powerful and active tendency towards reform, we are struck by their progressive improvement, by their incessant activity; while, in Spain and Portugal, all the elements of political and of social order are rapidly falling into a state of decay which threatens their inevitable dissolution. Who could conceive that Spain, gangrened and paralysed as she is, would persist in attempting to reduce under her iron yoke five or six nations full of youth and vigour, whose rapidity and energy in the career of improvement and of prosperity, is as striking, as the decrepitude of Spain is manifest and incurable.

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We ventured, in our former Number, to conduct our readers through the labyrinth of the blind and dilatory policy of Spain towards her colonies, both before and after the first insurrections which fourteen years ago, broke out in her trans-atlantic possessions; we took a rapid survey of the unbroken series of errors and of crimes, which marked all her acts, up to the time of the catastrophe of Cadiz. Let us now drop all consideration of these more remote circumstances, and begin our review of the conduct of the king of Spain from the moment, when, being restored to the full enjoyment of what he calls his legitimate rights, he might have laid the foundation of a policy, calculated in some degree to alleviate the innumerable evils which his mischievous hand had scattered over the two hemispheres. Let us then compare this tissue of sanguinary absurdities with the conduct of those Americans called, by the Holy Alliance, rebels. With this parallel before our eyes, we may then enquire whether there exists

a truly upright and philantrophic man who can still hesitate whether to incline to the side of Spain or of America.

What, in fact, ought to have been the conduct of Ferdinand VII. after the restoration of 1822, and what has it been? The wounds of Spain were, doubtless, deep, but not incurable; and it is evident, that a policy, by no means eminent for talent or ability, but simply guided by the dictates of common sense, might have extracted from the deplorable condition of Spain at that moment, materials for re-establishing the throne in the love of the people, and in the respect of Europe. The first act of restored power might have given new life and activity to the expiring body-politic; but, to effect this object, however little attention had been paid to the exaggerations of demagogues, the lessons of experience ought not to have been disregarded. The poniard of revenge ought not to have been substituted for the sword of justice; the present state of public opinion, which is hostile to proscriptions and to gibbets, ought not to have been outraged; care ought to have been taken inseparably to associate in the minds of the people, the ideas of truth, justice and clemency, with the name of king. The Spanish monarch had identified himself with all the acts of the Cortes; they had received his sanction and were executed in his name. It was surely enough to repeal them, without giving to this repeal a retroactive effect by which thousands of victims were devoted to death. The king had solemnly recognized the solidity of the engagements contracted by the Cortes with the national creditors; he had received the product of the loans obtained from foreigners under the guarantee of his royal word. He

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ought not to have exhibited to Europe the spectacle of the most shameless and iniquitous bankruptcy which ever scandalized the world. The people were worn out by convulsions, and all minds inclined towards union and confidence; the exercise of the sovereign power had no longer to encounter the slightest hostility or obstruction.

Ferdinand ought to have curbed the fury of vengeful passions, and instead of abandoning himself a third time to the intrigues of sanguinary fanatics, he ought to have assembled around him wise and moderate men capable of defending the true interests of the crown, and of labouring with success for the restoration of Spain. The constitution of Cadiz had ceased to exist, nor did it, it is true, deserve to be re-called to life; but the Crown might, without any sacrifice or limitation of its power, have revived the ancient national securities against misgovernment. These would have satisfied the general desire for a constitution: which recent events had awakened, and would have excited a universal, sentiment of gratitude.

Philosophy, narrow and feeble as was her empire in Spain, had sufficient force to throw down the walls of a tribunal, whose name alone affrights humanity. The government ought to have rased them to the very foundations, and thus to have given a pledge, that punishment by torture would never again be resorted to. The wealth illegally acquired, by certain unproductive corporate bodies had been destined to supply some of the most urgent wants of the state. These wants ought not to have been disregarded for the sake of making restitutions which were neither commanded by equity, nor exacted by the wants of the clergy.

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