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“senting its dignities, its power, its intelligence, is anti« American."

The force of these statements, as fully sustaining the tone and purpose of this book, will be felt, when we consider that they are made by one, who, more than any other of our public men, seems anxious to place England in the most favorable light before his countrymen, and would lead us to expect, that in the future, Great Britain may become our friend.

Ile relies, as others do, upon the assumed fact, that the nonvoting, and in a sense, uninfluential laboring classes are in favor of the North. That a majority of them are thus friendly may be admitted, but few probably are ready to believe, that in spite of all the great forces arrayed against us, these nonvoting laborers of England have power to shape her policy.

There is no such enthusiastic love of America or Americans even among the people of England, as would lead them to band themselves together as our champions, against the Government and the Church, the army and navy, the nobility, the literary power, and the commercial interests of the kingdom.

The people have, it is hoped, exerted some influence in the change which has been lately wrought in British policy, but the main causes are to be sought in the sudden exhibition which we have made of military power, in the strength of our army, the formidable character of our navy, the superiority of our new cannon, and the waning of the power of the rebellion.

The central purpose in the American policy of France is declared by the Emperor him self to be, to restore the ascendancy of the Latin race in the New World, and this :204essarily involves the supremacy of the Papal power, and

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the repressing, if possible, the growth of free Protestant institutions. This, with its consequences, is the settled design of France.

The purpose of Napoleon in proposing a Congress of nations is not yet fully revealed, but nothing is hazarded in believing that his intention is to make France more completely than ever the mistress of Europe, to strengthen himself by new alliances with the Latin Powers, so as to compel England to follow his lead, or expose herself to a formidable attack-in short, to render France so powerful that she can dictate terms and policy to England, Russia, and America. That these are the intentions of the French Emperor, no one who has studied his past course, will be likely to doubt, and for these new European combinations, it would be well to prepare in season.

It is then evident, that the Great Rebellion will introduce a new era, not only for our own country, but for Europe and the world.

It will change the political relations of European States to each other, and to us, and will improve the condition and prospects of the people in all lands.

The late movements here and in Russia, by which the proper rights of millions of laboring men have been acknowledged and secured, form a new starting point in human history.

I'nder the pressure of this war “ The l'nited States" have become an American Nation, and this new-born nation has been brought, by a combined home and foreign conspiracy, within the circle of European relations, has been compelled to take its place a lower among the Powers, and henceforth its policy and its ability to attack or defend, will form an important element in the councils of the nations.

A new-born Rusria has also presented itself in the world.

The old military despotism is gone, and in its stead there comes a Constitutional Monarchy, proposing to use its vast powers only for the protection and elevation of humanity.

IIand in hand, Russia and America are crossing the threshold of the new era, the Great Powers of the future, while Western Europe is plotting against both, and threatens and fears them. This book has been written, in the hope that it may help to explain the policy of France and England, and what we have to hope or fear from them, to set forth the resources and mission of that great nation, which alone has remained our friend, and to show the probable future of this New, Free, Christian American Nation.

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AUTHORITIES CONSULTED IN PREPARING THE WORK.

BARON TAXTHALSEN'S NOTES ON RUSSIA.
EHRMAN'S TRAVELS IN RUSSIA.
OLIPRANTS SHORES OF THE BLACK SEA.
ALLISON'S HISTORY OF EUROPE.
RUSSEL'S MODERN EUROPE.
BANOROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.
PRESCOTT'S PHILIP II.
KINGLAKE'S INVASION OF THE CRIMEA.
STANLEY'S GREEK CHURCH.
KAY'S SOCIAL CONDITION OF ENGLAND.
HUNT'S MERCHANT'S MAGAZINE.
LONDON QU'ARTERLY.
FOREIGN QUARTERLY.
EDINBURGH REVIEW.
NORTH BRITISH REVIEW.
SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN.
NATIONAL ALMANAC, 1M3 AND 1894.
ENITED STATEN SERVICE MAGAZINE.
REPORTS OF THE XAVY DEPARTMENT.
REPORTS OF THE ORDINANCE BUREAU.
OFFICIAL DOXUMENTS OF THE AMERICAN AND ENGLISH GOVERNMENTS
HON. CHARLES SUMNERS SPEECH ON OCB FOREIGN RELATIONS.

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