great departments of state, at the head of which is the Minister of Public Instruction.

This is necessarily an imperfect sketch of the educational institutions, in which many details are necessarily omitted, but enough has been exhibited to enable the reader to judge of the justice of the epithet "barbarian," so constantly applied to the empire of the Czars. No one will fail to perceive that these are only different parts of one grand and harmonious system. There is an admirable compactness and unity in the whole design, and two main ideas have evidently both originated and shaped the whole-first, as most important, the defense of the empire, and, secondly, the development of the national resources and the encouragement of domestic manufactures. In regard to the first of these many an invective has been hurled at Russia, because, as is charged, she consumes her strength in the equipment and support of an immense military force wherewith to threaten or overrun all western Europe; whereas instead, as is maintained, she should have devoted herself to the arts of peace and of internal growth. But a candid observer of the condition and progress of Europe from the time of the French revolution, will perhaps be inclined to admit that Russia has neither gone too fast nor too far in her military preparations, and that her policy has not only been a prudent but a necessary one. The invasion of 1812 was an admonition not soon to be forgotten, and Nicholas was too keen and too intelligent an observer of passing events not to foresee that a second attack on his nation was certain to be made, sooner or later, either by the infidel democracy of Europe, or if the republican movement should fail, then from the western Powers, directed by the Roman Catholic Church.

The control of the Black Sea is essential to the growth and even safety of Russia, and no Russian statesman has been ignorant how restive both England and France Lave been at the predominance of the power of the Emperor there. Under these circumstance Russia certainly showed a true sagacity in holding herself prepared, and the event

justified the wisdom of her policy. What would have been the fate of the nation now, unless western Europe had found her with her harness on awaiting their approach.?

Russia can not preserve her nationality, her existence, far less execute the mission which she believes has been entrusted to her, unless she maintains a military force capable of resisting the combined power of western Europe, or at the very least, as the event has shown, the united strength of England and France. She maintains her immense force to secure herself from successful attack, not for foreign conquest. Instead of sacrificing internal development to the support of an army and navy, she maintains them in order that within their circling lines and guns the works of peace may make secure progress in the heart of the empire. France and England have intruded themselves where they have no right to interfere with the growth of Russia, which has been more legitimate, more reputable, and marked with less injustice to the weak, than the progress of either of her adversaries. As has been well observed by an English writer, France made more aggressions upon neighboring nations in the space of ten years than Russia has done in as many centuries; and when England complains of Russia let her think of her East Indian exploits. These things do not lessen the guilt of Russian aggressions, but they ought to silence these her special and busy accusers, who arraign her at the tribunal of public opinion, as if they alone were innocent of ambition, or oppression, or robbery.

After the safety of the nation has been cared for, the government turns its next care to internal national development; and certainly no nation in the world can boast of a more enlightened, thorough, or scientific system of instruction than Russia herself has established. The great sources of her national strength, and from which she derives her vitality, are agriculture, her mines, and her manufactures. Constructing as a basis of educational operations a complete national sytem, which is extending itself regularly with the progress of the country, she has then provided schools of

the most magnificent character, to give the minds of the Russian youth that special direction which is demanded by the character and policy of the country; and from these schools, as centers, an influence is diffused through the whole nation by which the resources of the empire are sought out and developed by a combination of science with mechanical skill.

It is doubtful whether any other nation of the world has studied its own resources more carefully, or instituted a more effectual method for making them available. A nation capable of such designs, and of executing them on a scale of such grandeur, deserves not the name barbarian.

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE CHARACTER OF THE RUSSIAN INTELLECT.

Having made a partial exhibition of the elements of greatness which belong to the Russian Empire, it may be well to pause before the introduction of additional statements on these points, and bestow some attention upon the mental characteristics of the race in whose hands these resources and advantages have been placed in the providence of God. This, perhaps, will enable us to determine the probable character of Russian civilization, and its future influence upon the destiny of Europe and America. Two interesting questions here present themselves. Will Russia assume a form of civilization, individual and national-a Russian or Sclavonic civilization-and if so, what will be its distinctive characteristics? It is a common remark of French and English writers, that Russia produces nothing original, that she is destitute of the creative power of genius, and possesses only the imitative character of some of the oriental nations, and is therefore doomed like them to the inferior life of a mere copyist of western Europe. She is represented as wearing the garments of civilization after the manner of a savage; a European exterior, which can not conceal the barbarian. No intelligent opinion can be formed

of the future of this great empire, until we decide whether such representations are true or false. In the very beginning of such an investigation it should be remembered that even the highest forms of genius must operate with materials already in existence, that strictly speaking it creates nothing, and that its most signal triumphs are won by presenting familiar things in a new light, and throwing them into original combinations.

Every modern nation to a great extent is necessarily an imitator. Our age is the heir of the past, and has come into possession of the treasures of thought and art accumulated by preceding generations, and the only question which remains is, whether from this stock of material, common to all Christendom now, a nation can rear a social, political, and religious structure, which shall exhibit a distinctive. and individual character? The nations of the modern world are all the inheritors of the mingled Greek and Roman civilization, and these forms of national life have been developed, in western Europe, from the materials thus supplied-the Latin, the German, and the Anglo-Saxon. These, however, are being now mingled, and the original individuality by which they were distinguished is disappearing, and a constantly increasing intercourse is sweeping away the peculiarities of each. It would appear impossible, under present circumstances, for any one of the nations of western. Europe to work out hereafter a separate and individual destiny, or to pursue a strictly national policy. Each is molding each, and society must become the resultant of conflicting forces. Europe can neither be English, nor French, nor German, nor can either nation retain the sharp distinctness of its own original outline.

It remains to be seen what excellencies these mingled elements may exhibit as they combine. Still Germany, France, and England, stamping their own characteristics upon the materials furnished by the ancient world, have each produced a national form of civilization, a form which France shares with the other branches of the Latin family. In the same manner the Roman forms received the impress