Constantinople and the Greek Church. The Russians and Poles are, therefore, of one race but different religions, and the hostility of the Poles to Russia is stimulated by Catholic influence, and were this withdrawn, the ties of race would gradually unite again these now separated branches of the same family. Hence the desire to wrest Poland from Russia, and prevent this union. Let it be remembered that if Poland is not controlled by Russia, she will be crushed by the worse despotism of the Papacy. Roman Catholic civilization curses whatever it touches.

Such being the state of Europe, and such the undeniable position, hopes, and efforts of the Romish Church, it certainly requires no far-seeing sagacity to understand the interests and dangers of the United States in this momentous struggle.

CHAPTER XII.

ENGLAND'S COURSE TOWARD RUSSIA IN REGARD TO THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE CRIMEAN WAR.

The course of England towards Russia in regard to the Eastern Question and in the invasion of the Crimea, was so similar to her treatment of us, that the one explains the other, and at the risk of partial repetition in some points, it seems proper to present to Americans the main facts of that chapter in her history, in order that they may compare England then with England now, and learn that in her course towards us she is governed by the same policy which guided her then; that this is her national policy, to be applied to Russia or America, as the case may demand; and whether she strikes eastward at monarchy or westward at a republic, her general purpose is precisely the same. Particularly is it to be observed, that as France created a cause for war, and forced Russia into the conflict with her, so also England, on her part, sought an occasion for quarrel with Russia, and, notwithstanding all the denunciations of the British Press, it was England and not Russia who began the war.

England sought a war with Russia, and nearly the whole power of her Press was employed to cover this intention by the most violent accusations against Nicholas and his people, knowing all the while that the Czar desired more than all things else peace with England, in the same manner

that the English Government stirred up the people to fury in the case of the Trent, with the charge that we desired to insult and declare war upon England, when at the same time they held in their hands official evidence that we were earnestly desirous of peace on any terms which would save our national honor.

That England was the aggressor in the war with Russia will be readily seen from the following facts and admissions by the English Press.

The Emperor Nicholas was England's guest in 1844, and while there he made certain propositions to the British Cabinet as to the manner in which the Turkish question. should be settled upon the fall of that empire, an event that he declared must necessarily be near.

In regard to this matter, one of the most influential of the English periodicals used the following language soon after the death of the Emperor Nicholas :

"That it would have been most discreditable to England to have made such pact is generally admitted-far more to her indeed than to Nicholas, for the aggressive policy southward was the tradition of his race, and he spoke in the name of growing and expanding Russia. But we hardly saved our honor in the transaction as it was, for the ministry listened smilingly, and the Times wrote leading articles on the sickness of Turkey. Let this pass. We only meant to say that he (Nicholas) meant no harm to us, for we can not suppose that the Czar could have ruminated on the distant closing up of Russia on England, like the iron prison. in its last fatal change on the victim of Italian revenge. There is no doubt that we have acted wisely, most wisely, in preferring the alliance of France to his, for France and England are doing each other good every day of their united lives; but still it is not fair that we should bear his memory any malice, FOR IT WAS WE AND NOT HE WHO STRUCK THE FIRST BLOW. He has done nothing to deserve at our hands unseemly caricatures, or that his death should have been applauded in an English theater."

In these few honest sentences there is much food for thought, and many reasons are found why Americans, at least, should hesitate to give credence to the specious declarations that England was forced into that war, in defense of civilization and humanity, statements which have been made merely to render the war popular, and to excite the people against Russia, a work which has been so thoroughly done that the English people disgraced themselves by savage cheering at the Emperor's death. England having possessed herself, by her maritime superiority, and by her conquest of India, of the commerce of the East, adopted the double public policy of securing to herself the advantages she had won, and of excluding if possible other nations from a participation in this lucrative trade.

It has been, therefore, one of her chief anxieties to establish, if possible, and hold for her own benefit, a monopoly of the East, and for this purpose her jealous care has been to prevent the re-opening of any of the old highways of that trade whereby it could be diverted from her own marts, or to gain possession of them herself. While the ocean route could remain the only or the main channel between India and Europe, by her ships and her possessions in Hindostan the monopoly of the trade would be hers, and she would rest content. But when the question of establishing other communications arose, England was almost omnipresent to secure herself against a rival. Hence her intrigues in Central America, and her establishment on the Mosquito shore, and her projects on the Isthmus of Panama, for ship canals, in order that she might gain possession of the American key to the Indies; hence, also, her fleet at the mouth of the Nile when Bonaparte was in Egypt threatening to re-open and hold for France the old Red Sea route to the East; which scheme, had it been successful, might have restored to the cities of the Mediterranean their ancient wealth and power; and hence, too, be it remembered, her anxieties for the fate of Constantinople.

Not sympathy for the Turk has ever moved the heart of England, but every movement in connection with Turkey

has been made with anxious reference to her Eastern trade. It is because she has not been contented to share this commerce with the rest of the world. She has coveted a monopoly of its profits, and has been ready with her fleets and her armies to prevent any other Power of earth from building for itself a highway to India. She has endeavored to frustrate the United States in Central America; she succeeded in forcing the French army from Egypt—and she has also determined not only to prevent Russia from establishing herself at Constantinople, but to wrest from her the control of the Black Sea, and prevent her from occupying the old northern road to the East.

Let it not be forgotten here that it is not the conquest of British India at which Russia is aiming, or which she has ever proposed, but to open for herself a commerce with northern Asia by a route of her own; that she proposes not war on England, but an honorable competition for the trade of Asia; and this England opposed with a war whose object was to destroy forever all hope of maritime or commercial prosperity for Russia, which done, she would hold a complete monopoly of the richest commerce of the world, while at the same time the manufactures of Russia would be ruined, and she would again become dependent on Great Britain.

It is now easy to perceive the real policy of England in regard to the proposition made to the British Government while Nicholas was in London. He frankly informed England that the time was near when the Turkish Government must inevitably fall, without any external force, that it had no vitality, was in fact already seized by death, and that he desired some friendly understanding with England as to the course to be pursued when that event should come, that all of Europe might not then be embroiled, because other nations would be constrained to abide by the joint decision of England and Russia. It is understood that he proposed. that England should occupy Egypt, while the control of Constantinople should be given to Russia.

Simply as a bargain between Russia and England, this