« ZurückWeiter »
Λίγο συμμάζωξε το σάβανό σου...
Thy winding-sheet draw closer-closer still-
Μέσα στου τάφου μου τη σκοτεινιά Κλεισμένος ήμουνα τέτοια νυχτιά, Κ' εκεί που έστεκα σαβανωμένος Βαθειά στο μνημά μου συμμαζωμένος, "Έξαφνα επάνω μου μια κουκουβάγια 'Ακούω που φώναζε « Θανάση ΒάγιαΣήκου κ' επλάκωσαν χίλιοι νεκροί Και θα σε πάρουνε να πατ’ εκεί.” – Τα λόγια τάκουσα και τώνομά μου. Σκανε και τρίβονται τα κόκκαλά μου. Κρύβομαι, χώνομαι όσο μπορώ Βαθειά στο λάκο μου, μή τους ιδώ. -Έβγα και πρόβαλε, Θανάση Βάγια, "Έλα να τρέξωμε πέρα στα πλάγια. "Έβγα, μη σκιάζεσαι, δεν είναι λύκοι. Το δρόμο δείξε μας διά το Γαρδίκι. Έτζι φωνάζοντας σα λυσσασμένοι Πέφτουν επάνω μου οι πεθαμμένοι. Και με τα νύχια τους και με το στόμα Πετάνε, σκάφτουνε το μαύρο χώμα. Και σαν μ' εύρήκανε όλοι με μια Έξω απ' του τάφου μου την ερημιά, Γελώντας, σκούζοντας, άγρια με σέρνουν, Κ' εκεί που μου είπανε με συνεπέρνουν. Πετάμε, τρέχομε φυσσομανάει, Το πέρασμά μας κόσμο χαλάει. Το μαύρο σύγνεφο, όθε διαβή, Οι βράχοι τρέμουνε, ανάφτ’ η γη. Φουσκώνει ο άνεμος τα σάβανά μας Σαν ν' αρμενίζαμε με τα πανιά μας. Πέφτουν στο δρόμο μας, και ξεκολλάνε Τα κούφια κόκκαλα στη γη σκορπάνε. Εμπρός μας έσερνε η κουκουβάγια Πάντα φωνάζοντας-« Θανάση Βάγια” – Έτζι εφθάσαμε 's εκειά τα μέρη Πού τόσους έσφαξα μ' αυτό το χέρι. Ω τί μαρτύρια ! 'Ώ τί τρομάραις ! Πόσαις μου ρίξανε σκληραίς κατάραις! Μου δώκαν κ' έπια αίμα πημένο. Για ιδες το στόμα μου τώχω βαμμένο. Κ' ενώ με σέρνουνε και με πατούνε Κάποιος εφώναξε ... στέκουν κι' ακούνε .. -Καλώς σ' εύρήκαμε, Βιζίρη Αλή: Εδώθε μπένουνε μες την Αυλή.Πέφτουν επάνω του οι πεθαμμένοι, Με παραιτήσανε, κανείς δεν μένει, Κρυφά τους έφυγα, και τρέχω εδώ Με σε γυναίκα μου να κοιμηθώ.
“List, while I tell thee how this very night,
Thanasi Vaya, lead us to the hill!
show The track our black cloud followed from below. Our grave-clothes, all inflated by the breeze, Bore us along like ships across the seas; And as we flew, down fell our hollow bones, Scattered to earth and rattled 'gainst the stones And as she led us on the screech-owl's cry, • Thanasi Vaya,' rang unceasingly, Till of that fatal spot we came in view Where I with mine own hand so many slew. Oh! what a moment that of fear and pain! On me were showered the curses of the slain ; They gave me curdled blood; I drank it too ;Still on my lips thou see'st its dreadful hne. While thus on me they wrought their ruthless will, A voice cried out-all listened and were still''Tis well, Ali, that we have found thee here! This is the entrance to thy court, Vizier.' On him then rushed the dead; and I alone Was left, for in an instant all were gone; Then stealing off, I hurried to thy side To rest awhile with thee, my own dear bride."
ΣΤ. Θανάση, σ' άκουσα, τραβήξου τώρα. Μέσα στο μνημά σου να πας είν' ώρα. - Μέσα στο μνημά μου για συντροφιά Θέλω απ' το στόμα σου τρία φιλιά. – “Όταν σου ρίξανε λάδι και χώμα "Ηλθα σ' εφίλησα κρυφά στο στόμα. -Τώρα περάσανε χρόνοι πολλοί ... Μου πήρε η κόλαση κειό το φιλί. -Φεύγα και σκιάζομαι τ' άγριά σου μάτια, Το σάπιο κρέας σου πέφτει κομμάτια, Τραβήξου, κρύψε τα, κείνα τα χέρια, 'Απ' την αχάμια τους λές κ' είν' μαχαίρια.
-Έλα γυναίκα μου, δεν είμ' εγώ Κείνος που αγάπησες ένα καιρό; Μη με σιχαίνεσαι, είμ' ο Θανάσης.
–Φεύγ' απ' τα μάτια μου, θα με κολάσης. Ρίχνετ' επάνω της και τήνε πιάνει Μέσα στο στόμα της τα χείλη βάνει. Στα έρμα στήθια της τα ρούχ’ αρχίζει Που τη σκεπάζουνε να τα ξεσχίζη. Την εξεγύμνωσε ... το χέρι απλώνει Μέσα στον κόρφο της άγρια το χώνει ... Μένει σαν μάρμαρο. Κρύος σα φείδι, Τρίζει απ' το φόβο του το κατακλείδι. Σα λύκος ρυάζεται, τρέμει σα φύλλο... Στα δάχτυλα έπιασε το Τίμιο Ξύλο. Τη μαύρη εγλύτωσε το φυλαχτό της: Καπνός έσβύστηκε απ' το πλευρό της. Τότε ακούστηκε κ' η κουκουβάγια "Έξω που εφώναζε-« Θανάση Βάγια.”
“ Enough! I've heard thee, now, Thanasi, go; Thy grave awaits thee; 'tis thy hour below." —“ But with me to my tomb for friendship's sake Three kisses, dear one, from thy lips l’ll
take." -“ No! when they threw the oil and dust on thee I came and kissed thy dead mouth secretly." -“ But many years have rolled by since that
day; The fire of hell has scorched that kiss away." -«I fear the wildness of thy eyes. Begone! Thy rotten flesh falls crumbling from the bone. Those hands! Go hide them, hide them from thy 1 wife, So thin they are and sharp as blades of knife.” —“Not so, my friend, bethink thee, am not I The man thou lovedst in the days gone by? Loathe not thine own Thanasi.”
-“ Go, I pray, Thou art my curse! Go, from my sight, away!” Then with one bound he has her in his grip, His mouth on hers he fastens, lip on lip; Rending her dress in passionate despair, His hand he buries in her bosom bare ;But now his chattering jaws in terror quake, Like marble stands he fixed; cold as a snakeWolf-like he howls, as aspen leaf he quivers ; His hand has met the Holy Cross--and shivers. Thus is she saved by her prized relic's grace: There seems to rise a mist before her face;' And now she hears the screech-owl's angry shout Calling Thanasi Vaya from without.
Ζ. Ξύπνα παιδί μου, κ' η αυγή απ' το βουνό προβαίνει. Ξύπνα ν' ανάψωμε φωτιά κ' η ξένη μας προσμένει.
-Καλή σου μέρα, μάνα μας· ησύχασες κομμάτι;
–Λίγο κοιμώμαι η δύστυχη, δεν έκλεισα το μάτι. "Έχετε γεια, έχετε γεια, πρέπει να σας αφήσω, Είναι μακρύς ο δρόμος μου, και πότε θα κινήσω; -Γιατί δεν μας εξύπνησες κ' έμεινες μοναχή σου; Σύρε, μανούλα, στο καλό και δός μας την ευχή σου.
-Για το καλό που κάνετε, για την ελεημοσύνη, “Υπνο γλυκόν ο Κύριος κ' ήσυχο να σας δίνη: 'Αλλο καλό να σας φχηθώ στον κόσμο μας δεν ξεύρω, Νύχτα και μέρα το ζητώ και δεν μπορώ να το εύρω. -Μάνα κ' η φτώχια είναι κακή γιατ’ έχει καταφρόνια. -Τα πλούτη τα εδοκίμασα, περάσαν με τα χρόνια. -Μέσα στο λόγκο οι δύστυχοι ζούμε κ' ημείς σαν λύκοι, 'Απ' τον καιρό που χάλασε το έρμο το Γαρδίκι. -Ώ δυστυχιά μου! ώ δυστυχιά! Ο κόσμος θα χαλάση! Και ποιον έμελετήσανε ; Το Βάγια το Θανάση. Κ' εγώ είμ' η γυναίκα του. Kάμετε το σταυρό σας. Πάρτε λιβάνι, κάψετε, να διώξτε τον εχθρό σας. 'Εψές τη νύχτα εμπήκ' εδώ, εστάθηκε σιμά μου... Σχωρέστε τόνε, Χριστιανοί, κλάψτε τη συμφορά μου. Πέρνει το λόγκο. Το παιδί κ' η μάν' ανατριχιάζουν, Και το σταυρό τους κάμνοντας τρέμουν που την κυττάζουν.
VII. “ Wake, child. The dawn's descending from the
hill; Wake! strike a light. Our guest is waiting still.” -“Good morning, stranger; art thou well
reposed ?" -“I know no rest; my eyes I have not closed. Peace, peace be with you. Now'tis time we part; Long lies the road before me-let me start." Z“ Why didst thou choose all night alone to bide? Oh, why not wake and call us to thy side ? Go, mother, may all good attend thy way! Go! But for us from heaven a blessing pray."
-“ Yes! For your pity shown to the distressed May God accord to you sweet sleep and rest : I know no good on earth save rest from pain; And day and night I seek it; but in vain." —“ Yet poverty's an evil fraught with scorn." —“Ah! wealth I've known. By time 'twas
from me torn." -“ We live in misery here like wolves in a wood, Since fell Gardiki in her people's blood.”
—“Oh, sorrow! Endless woe's for me decreed.
ATHENS, 1st October, 1869.
THE ELECTORAL DISABILITIES OF WOMEN.
The question of women's suffrage will in a few days again be brought before Parliament. The present, therefore, seems an appropriate time to enumerate as briefly as possible some of the principal objections urged against it, together with what appear to be satisfactory answers to these objections.
It can hardly be too often repeated that the removal of the electoral disabilities of women is not exclusively a woman's question ; above all it is not one in which the interests of men and women are opposed. If the extension of political power to women is in accordance with reason and justice, both sexes are equally bound to support the claims of women to the suffrage. If it is in opposition to these, both sexes are equally interested in the withholding of electoral power from women.
It is frequently said that women are sufficiently represented under the present system, and that their interests have always been jealously protected by the legislature. This argument must be very familiar to all who took part in, or remember the great reform agitation which preceded the Reform Bill of 1867. Those who were opposed to an extension of the suffrage were never weary of repeating that working men were quite well represented ; that there was no need to give them votes, for their interests were watched over with the most anxious solicitude by noblemen and gentlemen who knew far better than the artisans themselves what was good for the working classes. It is well known that this opinion was not shared by working men. They pointed to the inequality of the law relating to masters and servants, and to the efforts which legislation had made to suppress trade societies. They said, “these laws are unequal and unjust, and they will not be amended until we have some hand in choosing the law-makers.” Beside this they said, “we bear a large portion of the taxation of the country; for every pound of tea and sugar we consume we contribute so much to the national revenue, and in common justice we ought to be allowed to exercise a corresponding control over the national expenditure.” Every one knows that the struggle for an extension of the suffrage at length terminated ; all obstacles were surmounted, and the rights of working men to citizenship were fully recognised. Surely working men, and all who took their part in the great reform agitation, will not cast aside and repudiate the very arguments which they found so useful during that struggle. Let them apply the same arguments to the question of women's suffrage. Are women sufficiently represented ? Are there no laws which press unjustly on them? Is that state of the law equitable which renders a married woman incapable of owning or of acquiring property, and which allows her husband to deprive her even of her earnings ? Is that law just which gives a married woman no legal right to the guardianship of her own children? If women were virtually represented, would they be excluded from participation in the great educational endowments of the country? Would the door of nearly all lucrative, and, at the same time, honourable employments be shut against them ? Finally, using the very same argument which has been so often applied to the working classes, is it right or just that any one should be forced to contribute to the revenue of the country, and, at the same time, debarred from controlling the national expenditure ? Either this argument is good for nothing, or it applies to women as forcibly as it does to men.
Another argument sometimes urged against women's suffrage is, that a woman is so easily influenced, that if she had a vote it would practically have the same effect as giving two votes to her nearest male relation, or to her favourite clergyman. This is a very curious argument; it would be a serious thing for men as well as for women if originality were a necessary qualification for the franchise. For instance, the Times exercises an extraordinary influence over the political opinions of thousands of people. Now it may be said, following out the argument just quoted, the effect of giving all these people votes is only to multiply a million-fold the voting power of the editor of the Times, or the writers of the articles in that journal; therefore all people who take their political views from the Times ought to be precluded from exercising the franchise. By carrying out this principle, nearly every one would be disfranchised, except the great leaders of political thought, such as Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Bright, Mr. Mill, Lord Salisbury, and the editors of some of the principal papers. For there are very few indeed whose political opinions are not biassed by the views of some of these distinguished and able men. But perhaps this objection that women's suffrage would only double the voting power of some men, can best be answered by making way for the next argument, viz., that women are so obstinate that if they had votes endless family discord would ensue. To this it may be replied that a vote is not an opinion but an expression of opinion, so that the same objection would apply to women having any opinions on political subjects. Under the present system women cannot be prevented from having political opinions, or from expressing them; they often even now possess political influence. This being the case, surely it is well that they should have every opportunity of forming just opinions, and that they should feel that a responsibility accompanies the exercise of power. It cannot be expected that women generally will recognise their responsibility until their power is recognised by removing their electoral disabilities. Then as to the argument that husbands and wives of different political opinions would quarrel if the wives had votes, the exclusion of women from the franchise seems a rough and ready way of securing harmony. Suppose, for instance, that in order to secure conjugal harmony on religious matters, a law were passed to prevent all women from going to church. The advocates of such a law might say, “ Suppose an Evangelical married a Roman Catholic, what disagreement it would lead to if the husband went off to one place of worship and the wife to another.” As a fact, such marriages seldom take place; for it is recognised that women have a right to think for themselves on religious subjects, and there is therefore a strong and most reasonable feeling against marriages between people of opposite religious opinions. Would not the same feeling come into existence against marriages between people of opposite political parties if the political independence of women were recognised ? If this feeling were prevalent, I believe a higher harmony than is yet generally known, would gradually pervade domestic life.
Let us now consider the validity of the fourth objection raised against the enfranchisement of women, viz., “ The ideal of domestic life is a miniature despotism, in which there is one supreme head, to whom all other members of the family are subject. This ideal would be destroyed if the equality of women with men were recognised by extending the suffrage to women.” It must be at once conceded that if the truth of the premise is granted, the truth of the conclusion must be granted also. Family despotism would receive a deadly blow from the extension of political power to women. But let us inquire how and why men—Englishmen, at least-have come to consider despotic national government immoral, and then let us see whether despotic family government differs essentially in principle from other despotisms. First let us inquire why despotic national government has been so successfully opposed in this country, and why representative government has been set up in its place. It may be briefly said that despotic government has been got rid of in this country because it has been felt to interfere unwarrantably with individual liberty. The leaders of popular rights from the time of Magna Charta to this day have always insisted on the importance of preserving individual liberty. Why has the name “liberty" always had such a magic spell over men ? Why has liberty been valued more than life itself by all those whose names make our history glorious ? Why have our greatest poets sung the praises of liberty in words that will never be forgotten as long as our language lasts ? Is it not because it has been felt, more or less strongly at all times, that man's liberty is essential to the observance of man's duty ? Mr. Herbert Spencer has thus analysed the right of mankind to liberty.