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assailed by that gentleman more than twelve years ago with so much success, that in the absence of any further testimony, we are almost under the necessity of believing that the real traitor was Godolphin. On the other hand, it is true that Marlborough corresponded with James and assured him of his undiminished loyalty, while he was in William's service; and likewise that he sent over a sum of money in 1715, to assist the chevalier in his invasion. And these two acts are worse in kind than anything imputed to Bolingbroke. Thus, if we take the most favourable estimate of Marlborough, and the most unfavourable one of Lord Bolingbroke, as public men, the balance, slight as it may be, is in favour of St. John. Our judgment of their private characters will depend on our comparative estimate of the harsher and the softer vices. Both were brave, beautiful, and fascinating. Both, perhaps, were equally unscrupulous. But there the resemblance terminates. Bolingbroke was impetuous; generous, to prodigality; a faithful friend, and a vindictive enemy; a frank libertine and a false husband. Marlborough was cautious, avaricious to a crime; and if he had any friendships, such as those which bound together the circles of Twickenham and Dawley, history has forgotten them. His jealousy of rising merit has been generally attested. The very amours of his youth bear the taint of pecuniary transaction; and the only bright spot which can be shown against all these dark ones is ubject devotion to his wife. Stronger contrasts can hardly be imagined, and it is curious that both those virtues and vices which seem most natural to the soldier are here found in the statesman, while those we should have expected in the statesman greet us in the soldier.
Such were the two great leaders of the Whig and Tory parties during the period now before us. For though Marlborough had begun life a Tory, he became a pure Whig soon after the accession of the Queen, and never changed his principles afterwards; though it seems probable, indeed, that Bolingbroke, who had a generous admiration for the duke, might have regained him to his former friends in 1711, had it not been for the influence of Lord Oxford. It is, indeed, to the last-mentioned statesman that much of the “crookedness” of the Tory policy is attributed by Lord Stanhope, and, where admitted, by Bolingbroke. He was, indeed, in one sense the ruin of the Tory party. But Bolingbroke's complaint of him, as well of the queen, in whom he notes “the fatal irresolution inherent in the Stuart race," seems all to point to the existence of some great designs to which she and Oxford were the main obstacles. What these could have been, if not designs for the restoration of the old line, it is difficult to imagine. But to return to the thread of our discourse. Such being the real leaders, what were the fortunes and conduct of the two great connections who looked up to them, and how far can we trace a resemblance between them and their political descendants ? Lord Stanhope considers they have changed places. He made this assertion in his “History of England,” and was taken to task for it by Lord Macaulay. But he repeats it here; and as we cannot bring ourselves to agree with it, though not for Lord Macaulay's reasons, we shall briefly record our own.
Both Toryism and Whiggism represent certain methods of government, which are or were supposed to be combined together in the British constitution. These are not the principles of liberty and authority, which correspond to a different division : but two methods of government—the one an hereditary sovereign, the other a great patrician council. That these should never be evenly balanced in practice was only to be expected. Under the Plantagenets the patricians had rather the best of it. Under the two succeeding dynasties, the balance was in favour of the crown. It then reverted to the nobility, who, with some well-known intervals, retained it down to the Reform Bill. But both were necessary to the constitution as it then was; and it was the allotted task of the Tories to maintain the royal prerogatives, as it was of the Whigs to maintain the authority of Parliament. It cannot be said that either the one or the other was the more or the less useful and dignified part to play in the political drama. But both alike require two things to be in existence, without which both become meaningless. There must be a prerogative which makes itself felt in politics. And there must be a powerful House of Lords controlling, by some kind of machinery or another, the action of the House of Commons. Under this combination we know what Whig and Tory mean. And as long as it lasted we cannot for the life of us see that either Whig or Tory departed from his original principles. What the Whigs were in the reign of Anne, that they were in the reign of George the Fourth. The principle on which the Dukes of Newcastle and Devonshire coerced Queen Anne; the principle on which the Duke of Bedford expostulated with George the Third, till his majesty nearly choked with wrath ; the principle on which Lord Grey declined to form a government in 1812; and the principle on which the same statesman acted towards the same sovereign fifteen years afterwards; were all essentially the same in every case. It was not always insisted on with equal severity. But the point was always the same, and that was, what share, when the Whig party was called to the councils of the sovereign, the Crown was to have in the formation of the ministry : and how far personal preferences were to outweigh party obligations. And what St. John was to Queen Anne, and Lord North and Mr. Pitt to George the Third, that, mutatis mutandis, were Liverpool, Canning, and Wellington to George the Fourth: the supporters of that element of the constitution which the Crown represented against what were considered the unjust encroachments of the other. The Whig and Tory traditions were handed down intact from the Revolution to the Reform Bill, and a Tory of the latter period could not have been the same thing as a Whig of the former. Lord Stanhope falls into the mistake of confusing measures with principles. Measures are an accident, not the essence, of political parties. And mere Conservatism no more resembles genuine Toryism, than a titled banker resembles
feudal barons genuine Torvism Parties. And mere Co
The creation of twelve new peers to secure in the Upper House a vote in favour of the Peace, has often been condemned as a mischievous strain on the constitution. Before joining in the censure which has been so freely bestowed upon it, we should at least recall to mind the circumstances under which it occurred. It is commonly supposed that the Whigs at this time had a majority of the House of Lords. But this was not the case. And the means which they adopted to gain a victory over Government, go a long way to justify the means by which Government gained a victory over them. Then, as now, each party had its extreme section; but the Whigs, being in opposition, had composed their differences for the moment. A Tory “cave,” however, of no inconsiderable dimensions, bad been founded by the Earl of Nottingham, at the head of a compact band of malcontents, who professed to think the Church in danger. The favourite measure of this party from the commencement of the Queen's reign had been what was called the Occasional Conformity Bill, a measure directed against persons who, having complied with the conditions of the Test Act for the sake of office, should during their continuance therein attend chapels or conventicles. Though this Bill had been carried through the House of Commons, the Whigs and the more moderate Tories had hitherto been strong enough in the House of Lords to prevent it from becoming law, and for some years past it had been dropped. Now, however, the ultra-Tories saw their chance. They had it in their power to perform a great service to the Whigs, and they might fairly ask a large price. The Whigs, thirsting for revenge, readily agreed to their terms, and the bargain was at once struck. The Cave was to oppose the Peace. The Whigs were to support the Bill against Occasional Conformity. Thus was effected that majority against the Treaty of Utrecht which has generally been supposed to have consisted of pure Whigs. No coalition in our history has rivalled in infamy the coalition between Nottingham and Marlborough. However, as far as the Whigs were concerned, it was a crime perpetrated in vain, for the treaty was ultimately approved by a sufficient majority. The Tories got their price: for the Occasional Conformity Bill was carried through the Lords, contrary to the wishes of the Government, and readily adopted by the House of Commons.
T. E. KEBBEL. VOL. VII. N.S.
THANASI VAYA: A TRANSLATION.'
In the traditions of the peasantry the name of Vayas is handed
To extend in some degree the sphere of these local traditions, and
THR POOR WOMAN.
'Elenuogúvn, Xpotiavol, káust' denuogóvn: "Έτζι ο Θεός παρηγοριά κι' αγάπη να σας δίνη. 'Ελεημοσύνη κάμετε στην έρημη τη χήρα!
φτωχή γυναίκα εφώναξε 'ς άλλης φτωχής τη θύρα. -Η νύχτα τ' άστραπόβροντα, το χιόνι δεν μ' αφήνει
Να πάγω εμπρός. Χριστιανοί, κάμετ' ελεημοσύνη! 'Avolgeté uov, ånébava ... Kiye ed Aatpeów.
Avoi[6Té uoc XooTiavol, Kuala và vở Texa, Και το ψωμί σας δεν ζητώ, δεν θέλω να το πάρω, Φτωχός φτωχόνε συμπονεϊγλυτώστε με απ' το χάρο. Με φθάνουνε δυο κάρβουνα, με φθάνει το φυτύλι Πού κάθε βράδυ ανάφτετε, που καίτε στο καντήλι ’Eu tpos otin uáva toll coû, łuppds els Thy Tlapkévo.... ’Edenuocúvn, aíyo pws ... Apopodote je ... Trebalvw.
Another poor one too. "The tempest's roar,
“The Lord our God. Open and let me in,
(1) A veritably mournful interest is added to the following piece by the tragic fate which has just overtaken Mr. Herbert in Greece, and cut him off in the first flower of his days.
-Μάνα μου, ξύπνα, δεν ακούς; στη θύρα μας χτυπάνε. -'Αγέρας δέρνει τα κλαριά του λόγκου και βογκάνε. -Σκιάζομαι, μάνα, σαν πουλί φεύγει, πετά η καρδιά μου -Είναι σκυλιά που δυάζονται» πέσε στην αγκαλιά μου: -Ακουσα κλάψεις και φωναίς.
- Θα ταείδες στύνειρό σου, Κοιμήσου γύρισ’ απ' εδώ, και κάμε το σταυρό σου.
II. _" Awake, mamma! Dost thou not hear They're knocking at our cottage door?" -“No! 'tis the wind that loves to stir The rustling branches o'er the moor." _“I'm frightened, mother, and my heart Is fluttering like a timid bird.” —“Come to my arms, nor stay apart; 'Twas but the bark of dogs we heard."
_“No! 'twas a cry of wild unrest And pain I heard, oh mother mine!” _""I'was but a dream; lie on my breast, And sign thee with the holy sign.” -“Methinks, I hear the sound of moaning Right at our door. I go to see. Methinks, it is the awful groaning Of one in death's last agony."
They hurried to the door, and found
'Ακούω στη θύρα μας σα βογκητό,
-Παιδί μου, πρόφθασε, δός μου βοήθεια
Her hands like crystal, and as cold
“God grant thee,” they reply, “a morrow
And now once more in slumber deep
“Ο ΒΡΥΚΟΛΑΚΑΣ. Πές μου τι στέκεσαι, Θανάση, ορθός, Βουβός σα λείψανο στα μάτια εμπρός; Γιατί, Θανάση μου. βγαίνεις το βράδυ; “Υπνος για σένανε δεν είν' στον δη; Τώρα περάσανε χρόνοι πολλοί... Βάθεια σ' ερρίξανε μέσα στη γη... Φεύγα, σπλαχνίσου με. Θα κοιμηθώ. "Αφες με ήσυχη ν' αναπαυθώ. Το κρίμα πώκαμες με συνεπήρε, Βλέπεις πως έγινα. Θανάση σύρε, “Όλοι με φεύγουνε, κανείς δε δίνει Στην έρμη χήρα σου ελεημοσύνη. Στάσου μακρύτερα ... Γιατί με σκιάζεις ; Θανάση, τι έκαμα και με τρομάζεις; Πώς είσαι πράσινος !... μυρίζεις χώμα ... Πές μου δεν έλυωσες, Θανάση, ακόμα και
“Tell me, Thanasi, why thou standest here