even as Judge Jefferies would have done under the rule of James II.

The question between O'Connell and the Government had come to this: WHOSE TROOPS WERE TO HOLD MILITARY POSSESSION of Ireland-THE ARMY OF Britain, OR OF REPEAL? Were we of the Repeal party, not dealing in public affairs, but an independent gentleman, like Lord Bacon's judges, whom he told to go forth, "nihil expectantes," neither seeking "praise nor profit, nor the plaudits of the multitude," still, did we wish to strut our hour on the stage of public strife, and abandon the avocations of private life, we should yet prefer the protection of the Queen's troops to that of the repeal legions of Mr. O'Connell.

History tells every Irishman that the misfortunes of his country have arisen from armed bands, associated in masses, for some popular ephemeral purpose, which, when it ceased to be a watchword, strove to effect by the sword that which it had failed to do by the weight of moral authority. There is no instance in the history of the world of such a popular military display as that of O'Connell's being so suddenly put down. And this could have been done only by a superior military force.

The Lord defend us from irregular Irish troops! What were the Irish volunteers-the militia, and the hastily embodied soldiers of all descriptions, who were brought together in the days of Mr. Pitt? And what, on the other hand, is now the discipline of the British army? It was attempted, by O'Connell and the Repealers, to get up some of those complaints which existed before the Union as to the conduct of the British troops now occupying Ireland. This entirely

failed. But what has still more failed, is the Jacobinical policy of endeavouring to excite the non-commissioned officers to be dissatisfied with their service, and to fraternize with the Repealers.

Mr. O'Connell's multitudes were not, indeed, armed. This is the crowning act of rebellion! But they met together in vast masses, they had every facility for procuring arms, and were probably not so equipped, only because they were not sufficiently disciplined, and had not been long enough enrolled to obtain such confidence in themselves or their chiefs, as would enable them to commence offensive operations. Men who feel their own strength do not act in masses to persuade. The poet does not say dextram, but, linguam suadela perunxit. It was not then the Queen's Government that took military possession of Ireland, to override the law, but it was the Irish Repealers, who assumed this power to impede the exercise of the law as established by the British Constitution, as well as to set up a new system of jurisprudence unknown to that constitution.

The military sent to Ireland, by their admirable discipline, have solved the problem which indeed is fitter for civilians, and have proved that such a force, perfect in all its details, is a real safeguard for a due exercise of the laws; that troops hastily got together, militia or volunteers, would have become, as heretofore in Ireland, political partizans; and, therefore, would have been repeated the same cry that had such an effect in the last rebellion, when we heard constantly that the physical power used to put down outbreak was gratifying personal animosity and political prejudice. Although such a course was then necessary to

protect life and property, it became useless for the production of any moral effect, which cannot be the case where regular troops are controlled by that submission to the civil authorities.

It is notorious that O'Connell's army was assembled in troops-not groups-of horse, and in multitudes on foot-though not called battalions—that they marched and countermarched in military array, in the spirit of the well-known words, "obedience is the first duty of a soldier," and, "the army acts, but does not deliberate," shewing their readiness to act in obedience to those who commanded them. It must always be recollected that the highest point in military tactics is the act of bringing large bodies of men from all quarters to a given spot, at a given time; and that this proof not only of obedience in the masses, but of skilful combination in the chief, was never wanting in the late musters of repeal.

Let the reader, if he should not be a military man, ask any friend who is so, how battles are won or lost. Is it not by concentrating the greatest number of men at the decisive moment, at a given point, so as to insure a superiority over the forces opposed? Read attentively the history of Napoleon's successes, were they not obtained by the intimidation created over the minds, not even of the very ignorant, who saw moving under the control of one man such masses, as those which were swayed by the will of the Emperor of France? In both cases, that of Frenchmen under the control of Napoleon, and the Irish under that of O'Connell, the combination was for the same purpose; and this plan was, we well know, suggested to O'Connell by his military advisers abroad.

This fact is an illustration of another, that it could not have been the altered policy of the present Government which induced O'Connell to throw away the mask, to resuscitate the cry for repeal, and under that pretext to aim at the government of Ireland, aided by the display of physical power to which we have alluded. For it must have taken up much time-much calculation founded upon statistical knowledge-most extensive combination, and complete agreement with the priests and others all over Ireland, before Mr. O'Connell could have so marshalled his army, and so have combined their movements.

To accomplish this object must have taken more time than that between the assumption of Sir Robert Peel's government and the first display of the monster meetings. But the fact was notorious, amongst the partizans of Mr. O'Connell on the continent of Europe, that an assemblage and marshaling of the people of Ireland was to be looked forward to for many months before it took place; and this knowledge was circulated on the Continent so far back, as the time when 10,000 Irish soldiers were offered to Belgium and the inhabitants of Limbourg and Luxembourg, in order to impede the treaty then about to be carried into effect between Belgium and Holland.

Here is another proof that the assemblage of those masses of repealers was not to lead to a policy to be executed by mild persuasion, but to do the work of fear, both over the minds of the British Government and people, and with those who opposed the policy of the Irish priesthood under the flimsy pretext of repeal. Mr. O'Connell invoked the repealers to resist Saxon tyranny; because, he said, Ireland never obtained

attention to her just claims from Saxon government but through fear;-fear, as he was so good as to inform us, on all occasions commanded concession from even the Duke of Wellington, and ultimately emancipation of the Catholics from their disabilities in 1829. Mr. O'Connell told his followers not to dread the troops of Great Britain, for England is engaged in wars with her colonies that will give full occupation to her army. Besides, he alluded to the growing party of the Chartists, and also to the Corn Law League, both of which parties he then disapproved of; still, while professedly doing so, he set forth these political associations as being the difficulties of Saxon government. The hour thus selected by him was apparently for England the hour of weakness and of trial. From the imperial Government thus struggling with outward and internal troubles, he expressed his resolution of obtaining repeal.

Is not this a full and clear illustration, that the intention of Mr. O'Connell was to marshal, drill, and discipline the masses of the Irish population, whom he had made subservient to his own will, teaching them through the command of the priesthood, to abide his time; then, when his military power had been sufficiently organised, to suit the action to the word? for he never ceased telling the Irish that they were "hereditary bondsmen," and one day were "to strike the blow." To strike the blow! Was it not then wise to be beforehand with the O'Connellites, and to move the British army into position, when the repeal groups and multitude had all the will, but not the seize the military possession of Ireland?

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power, to

When Mr. Pitt sent troops to Ireland to put down