from time to time to the multitude. The chieftains agreed with themselves in council as to the policy each should communicate separately to his adherents; whereas Mr. O'Connell appears to instruct the Priesthood collectively what they should communicate to their flocks, though it is more than probable that the instructed have originally been the instructors of Mr. O'Connell himself.

Turn to the reign of James the First. When this monarch ascended the throne of the three kingdoms, he applied his mind especially to the amelioration of the state of Ireland. The King indulged in some curious speeches to the Irish. His Majesty told them, he occupied himself more with their concerns than he did with those of his other subjects, either of England or Scotland; he said, that he took Ireland into his especial favour, and on this occasion, the royal word was not forfeited.

The English had manifold reasons to complain of the reign of James the First, but the Irish had none: his " graces" became an oppression, upon what Mr. O'Connell would call the "Saxon," not on the indigenous Irish. The system of plantations was not only calling forth the capital and industry of the Scotch and English settlers in Ireland, to improve the value of the land, but it was inviting many of the poorer order of Irish to place themselves out of the reach of the arbitrary control of their chieftains.

But the "old Irish" thwarted the policy of James the First, because it brought into the country settlers, who were not indigenous; although there was a dearth of population, a want of capital, and the most barbarous cultivation existed (which the system of plantations

H

removed), and which was different from the mode practised in England and even in Scotland. For instance, the Irish were forced to discontinue their custom of fixing the plough to the horse's tail, and to this improvement the Council of Kilkenny objected, because they said it was a "Protestant innovation.”

At the present time there is no want of population in Ireland; but the application of capital, skill, and industry in that country is farther behind England now than it was in the reign of James the First. However, strangers who come to Ireland, with the two essential attributes of power, capital and skill, are treated in Ireland still as "Saxon" interlopers, unless they become partizans of the Repeal agitation.

What Mr. O'Connell declares to be the policy of Repealers, is a violation of all international law and rights of property. He says that the first act of a separate Parliament in Ireland, should be to possess itself of those vast estates granted by James the First to different English companies by a kind of forced sale in favour of the present occupiers.

Notwithstanding this, every one in the least acquainted with the history, past or present, of Irish affairs, agree in opinion, that the greatest advantage has arisen to Ireland, from the way in which these estates have been, and are, managed; such being the effect of capital brought into the country, where it has increased and fructified, especially for the benefit of that class of Irish so frequently indigent when under the control of land-agents, to whom, for absentees, is committed the management of so much landed property in Ireland.

In the time of Charles the First, the Catholic Priest

now.

hood and the discontented, adopted the same policy as When Charles the First renewed the " graces his father granted to Ireland, the same gratitude and attachment to the government of England was expressed in that day as on the concession of Catholic emancipation, which, however, was shortly after called an instalment. As now, the Catholics openly avow it was the fear of their power, not justice to their claims, that animated the British parliament to remove Catholic disabilities.

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Let the reader turn to the discussions between the Irish and Charles the First, with regard to these graces;" then to the stipulation entered into between this monarch and his Irish subjects, to assist him against the parliamentary army; and he will find the spirit directing Irish agitation, at this moment, the same as that which affected them in the reign of Charles the First; for, notwithstanding Mr. O'Connell's craft, the purport of his ulterior views sometimes oozes forth.

Charles the First believed, when he was called the best of monarchs by the Irish, that his misfortunes would meet with their sympathy. However, they could not forego the opportunity which offered, to weaken the power of English government.

In proportion as Charles' difficulties increased, their demands augmented. The Irish promised to send His Majesty ten thousand men before the battle of Naseby. The Council of Kilkenny deceived Lord Ormond, deluded Glamorgan; and the intrigues of the Pope's nuncio gave to the violent Catholics and priesthood supreme authority. Thus, no assistance coming to Charles from Ireland, he lost the battle of Naseby, which cost this unfortunate monarch his crown and his head. H 2

What followed? Renuncini, as well as O'Neil, became alarmed at the success of Oliver Cromwell, when their jealousy had forced Ormond to quit the command of the king's armies. In this manner the Irish, faithless to themselves, faithless to their sovereign, faithless to their country -to the very last hour set forth the pretext, whilst they kept back the reality, of their policy, until they received the cruel and sanguinary chastisement of Oliver Cromwell. What was the power that accomplished all this evil? the Council of Kilkenny! of which Mr. O'Connell's intended government for Ireland is but the shadow.

The decapitation of Charles the First, by the regicide Oliver Cromwell, alarmed, as well it might, the Council of Kilkenny; still, however, fraud directed the outward policy of the Irish Catholic power, whilst the reality was an inward and invisible sign. Instead of seeking Ormond, and putting him at the head of their army, they became victims to the intrigues of the priesthood, and of the Pope's nuncio, Renuncini.

The Irish chieftains sent over to France to invite Charles the Second to come to them, but, being engaged with the affairs of Scotland, he declined the invitation. They sought also his brother, the Duke of York. Now mark the perfidiousness of the Irish priesthood. Whilst the Council of Kilkenny was communicating with the house of Stuart, they sent a mission to the Duke of Lorrain, then residing at Brussels, offering to sell him the throne of Ireland!

These facts are not like the assertions of Mr. O'Connell, not always truth; they are admitted records of historic veracity, shewing clearly that the justice to Ireland, now so frequently demanded, was then equally

proclaimed; and that time has proved its meaning to be no even-handed justice whatever, but a mere shield to disguise the extreme policy of Roman Catholic government, then, as now, repudiated by the wise and moderate of the Catholic community.

If the past be any guide to the present and the future, the pretext set up by the revolutionists in Ireland in the days of the Stuarts, was under the vain hope then, as it is now, of arriving at this frightful reality: THE MAKING THE RIGHT AND TITLE TO THE USURPATION OF PROPERTY AND GOVERNMENT, TO DEPEND UPON ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITY; and thus a return to the papistical doctrine, existing before the Reformation, going far beyond the limitations set over papal, temporal, or spiritual power, settled by the Council of Trent.