'Jahveh' in passages allowed to be among the oldest in Exodus, which are apparently due to the Second Elohist, and certainly do not belong either to E or to LL, e.g. E.xviii.12–23, xix.16–19, xx.18-21. The writer uses 'Jahveh' seven times (xix.10,11,18, xx.22a, xxii.11, xxiv.1,2); but in the same part of his story he has ELOHIM or Elohim twenty-seven times, besides such phrases as Mount of Elohim' (iii.1, xviii.5, xxiv.13), 'Elohim of your fathers, &c.' (iii.15), 'finger (work, writing) of Elohim' (xxxi. 18, xxxii.16). This seems to show that the writer was not yet in the habit of using the name Jahveh freely and familiarly, -in other words, that the name had been only recently adopted as that of the National Deity of Israel (V.315).

6

(7) It is, no doubt, true (VI.539, &c.) that much of the peculiar phraseology of the Elohist appears also in the LL,—enough, in fact, almost to warrant the assumption of an identity of age or authorship, if there were some corroborative evidence, and if there were not so many strong reasons to be alleged against such an assumption. The similarity in question may, however, be explained by the admitted fact that in the LL, throughout the Pentateuch, though not in Joshua (VI.531), some archaisms are undoubtedly employed, in order (it would seem) to give to these insertions an appearance of venerable antiquity; and for the same reason the writer or writers may have affected generally the phraseology of the Elohistic Narrative, the most ancient portion of the Pentateuch.

(8) In this way also may be explained the fact that in the LL all the names of persons introduced (with one exception, Jochebed, E.vi.20, N.xxvi.59, in all probability very late insertions even of the LL) are conformed to the type furnished by E, who gives us 13 names in G.v, 16 in xi.10–32, 13 in xxv.1215, 70 in xlvi-in all 112 names-and among them eight compounded with 'El' (Mahalaleel, Ishmael, Adbeel, Israel, Jemuel, Jahleel, Malchiel, Jahzeel), but none with 'Jahveh.' So the LL introduces 24 names in N.i.5-15, 24 in N.xiii.4–

15, 12 in N.xxxiv. 19-28, one third of which are compounded with El,' none with Jahveh,' and he tells us that Joshua's name was originally Hoshea,' which was changed by Moses to 'Joshua' (N.xiii.8,16), doubtless (it is meant) after the (supposed) revelation of the name.

(9) But the agreement in style between E and LL is by no means complete, as appears below, where we omit all phrases connected with the priesthood and the ritual, and sacrificial terms which appear only in LL, not in E, and other phrases, the non-occurrence of which in E or in LL might be explained by the difference in the times described in Genesis and those in Exodus, &c. And the contrast between the tone of the historical narratives in LL (e.g. E.xvi, N.xx.2-13, J.xxii.9–34) and that of E in G.xxiii is very remarkable, and is enough almost by itself to imply a difference of authorship.

10. Phrases of the LL not used by E.

(i) by the mouth of' according to, E.xvi.16,18,21, L.xxv. 16,51, xxvii.8,16,18, N.vi.21, vii.5,7,8, ix.17, xxvi.54,56, xxxv.8.

(ii) a statute for ever,' E.xii.14,17,24, xxvii.21, xxviii.43, &c. (33 times).

(iii) bear his iniquity,' E.xxviii.38,43, L.v.1,17, vii.18, x.17, xvi.22, xvii.16, xix.8, xx.17,19, N.v.31, xiv.34, xviii.1,23, xxx.15, comp. 'bear his sin,' L.xix. 17, xx.20, xxii.9, xxiv.15, N.ix.13, xviii.22,32.

(iv) yi, meet,' E.xxv.22, xxix.42,43, xxx.6,36, N.x.3,4, xiv.35, xvi.11, xvii.4, xxvii.3.

(v) that they die not,' E.xxviii.35, xxx.20,21, L.viii.35, x.6,9, xv.31, xvi.2,13, N.iv. 19, xvii.10.

(vi), sanctify,' E.xxviii.38, xxix. 43, L.x.3, &c. (18 times).

(vii) by, trespass,' L.v.15, vi.2, N.v.6,12,27, xxxi.16, D.xxxii.15, J.vii.1,

xxii. 16,20,22,31.

(viii) 'defile' the land, &c., L.xv.31, xviii.28, xx.3, N.v.3, xix.13,20, xxxiv.34. (ix) 'a land flowing with milk and honey,' L.xx.24, N.xiv.8, comp. Ez.xx.6,15, used also by D, who has apparently copied it from J (E.iii.8a, 17o, N.xiii.27, xvi.13,14), but not by E, who would naturally have employed it in the promises made to Abraham and Jacob, if he had been familiar with it or had even had it before him in J and D.

(x) On the other hand, 'fructify and multiply,' which is a common phrase in E (G.i.22,28, viii.17, ix.17, xvii.(2+6), 20, xxviii.3, xxxv.11, xlvii.27, xlviii.4, E.i.7, comp. ' be mighty and multiply,' G.vii.18), is never used in LL, except once by Ezekiel in L.xxvi.9, comp. 'multiply and fructify,' Ez.xxxvi.11.

(xi) E uses freely ha-Elohim (with the article), G.v.22,24, vi.9,11, xvii.18, E.ii.23, and so does the Second Elohist, G.xx.6, 17, xxii. 1,3,9, xli.25,28,32, E.i.17,21, iii.11-13, xviii.12–19, xix.17,19, xx.20,21, xxi.6,13, xxii.8,9, xxiv.11, N.xxii. 10, xxiii.27, and the Jahvist in G.xxvii.28, xxxv.7, xlii. 18, xliv.16, xlv.8, xlviii.15. But the LL never employs it, except in J.xiv.6, Moses the man of ELOHIM, where man of ELOHIM' is used as a well-known ancient title for a 'Prophet,' (Ju.xiii.6,8, 18.ii.27, ix.6,7,8,10,) and in J.xxii.34, ‘Jahveh he is ELOHIM,' where the article could not have been omitted, comp. D.v.35,39, 1K.xviii.24,29.

153. The Age of the Jahvistic Passages in the Hexateuch.

The following reasons (VI.484,&c.) lead to the conclusion that the Second Elohist (E) and Jahvist (J)-who may perhaps have been the same writer at different stages of his literary activity (V.84)—wrote at intervals during the age of David, including the last years of Saul and the first years of Solomon (1060-1010 B.C.).

(i) The extended geographical knowledge (G.ii.11-14, x), and the signs of advancement in civilization and even in luxury (G.ii.11,12, iv.21,22, xiii.2, xxiv.22, 35,53), point to a later age than Samuel's-as e.g. that of Solomon-for the composition of some parts of J's work.

(ii) The acquaintance with Egyptian affairs, words, and customs (G.xxxix.20, xliii.32, xlvi.34, xlvii.26, 1.3)—not perhaps always strictly accurate-corresponds to the growing intercourse with Egypt in David's time, which led to Solomon's marriage with Pharaoh's daughter (1K.iii.1).

(iii) The data in G.vi.15,16, about the building of Noah's Ark, come probably from the very same author who wrote-apparently as an eye-witness—the account of the building of Solomon's Temple (1K.vi.2, &c.), as appears from the similar phraseology.

(iv) G.xxv.23 points to Edom's subjection-not to Judah, but-to Jacob =" all Israel,' which only existed in David's time.

(v) G.xxvii.41 describes the bitter hatred of Edom against Israel who had taken its birthright, as it must have existed after David's cruel butcheries (1K.xi.16).

(vi) The stress laid on Beersheba, where Abraham and Isaac dig wells and acquire a right of possession, Abraham by purchase and each by covenant with the Philistine king (G.xxi.28–32, xxvi.28-32)—where also Abraham and Isaac habitually live (xxii.19, xxvi.23, xxviii.10, xlvi.1)--suits the time of David, when Beersheba was the southern limit of his kingdom, which extended from Dan to

Beersheba,' a phrase used in Samuel and Kings, but only, of course, with reference to the times of David and Solomon (28.iii.10, xvii.11, xxiv.2,15, 1K.iv.25).

(vii) The stress laid on Bethel (G.xxviii.17), as the House of Elohim,' the Gate of Heaven,' is hardly intelligible if this passage was written after the separation of the two kingdoms, when Jeroboam had set up his calf-worship there in opposition to the Temple-worship in Jerusalem.

(viii) The stress laid on Shechem as purchased by Jacob (G.xxxiii.19) implies one writing before Shechem had been the scene of Rehoboam's contention with Israel (1K.xii.1) followed by the revolt of the Ten Tribes, after which it became the royal residence of Jeroboam (v.25), and then soon disappears from the history, its place being taken first by Tirzah (1K.xv.33), then by Samaria (1K.xvi.24).

(ix) The stress laid on Mahanaim (G.xxxii.2) corresponds to the fact that, when David fled from Absalom, he took refuge in Mahanaim (2S.xvii.24,27, 1K.ii.8), and seems to have reigned there (28.xix.32), as Ishbosheth did (ii.8,9). After David's time Mahanaim is only once mentioned as one of the places where Solomon's officers were stationed (1K.iv.14).

(x) Jacob's prediction that Ephraim should be greater than Manasseh and his seed the fulness of nations' (G.xlviii.19), suits well a writer of David's age, when that populous and powerful tribe was the mainstay of the Empire, though in Judah's hands was the rod of government,― Ephraim is the strength of my head, Judah is my lawgiver,' Ps.lx.7—but not one writing after the separation of the two kingdoms and strongly attached to the House of David, though apparently (xi) an Ephraimite by birth.

(xi) Joseph's history is given at great length by E and J (G.xxxvii, xxxix-l), implying a special interest in the tribe on the part of the writer (or writers); and, whereas Judah saves his brother's life (xxxvii.26,27), pleads successfully with his father Israel (xliii.3-14), and is a tender-hearted son and brother (xliv.18-34), yet it is Joseph who actually saves the lives of his father and brethren. All this is explained if the writer was an Ephraimite attached to the Court of David.

(xii) The attempt to represent the origin of Moab and Ammon, whose kinship with Israel could not be denied, as base and abominable (G.xix.30-38), corresponds to the hatred which existed between Israel and both those nations in David's time (2S.viii.2, x.4,6, xii.26-31). This passage, however, would hardly have been written before the Ammonite war (2S.xii), nor after Solomon's marriage during David's lifetime with his first wife Naamah, 'an Ammonitess' (1K.xiv.21,31), and (LXX, 1K.xii.24) granddaughter of David's friend, Nahash the king of Ammon. (xiii) In G.x.19 the writer speaks of Sodom, &c., as if their ruins still existed, which implies an early age.

(xiv) The story of the sin of the Sodomites (G.xviii,xix) agrees so closely, even in verbal expression (p.101, note) with that about the men of Gibeah (Ju.xix), that they seem to have been written by one and the same hand, and the former with a view to abolish the vice in question, at a time when the affair at Gibeah was still remembered in its main features, though no names are given and the account in

Judges is obviously, in its present form, expanded and exaggerated, and quite

unhistorical.

(xv) The Blessing on Judah (G.xlix.8-12) was clearly written with reference to David's struggles and triumphs, and might have been written in the second decade of David's reign, perhaps about the 12th or 14th year.

(xvi) The Blessing on Joseph (G.xlix.22-26) must have been written before the separation of the two kingdoms, when it would be very natural that an effort should be made-more especially by an Ephraimitish writer-to soothe in this way, with warm laudations, any feelings of mortified pride which might and, as events proved, did exist in the tribe of Ephraim at the supremacy being made over to Judah.

(xvii) The Blessing on Levi (G.xlix.5-7), or rather the doom pronounced upon him, suits only a time when the Levites were in a very low position, as they probably were in David's time before the Ark was brought up to Mount Zion in the 14th year of his reign (2S.vi).

(xviii) The mention of stone-knives for circumcision, E.iv.25, comp. J.v.2,3 (D), suits an early time, though not distinctly pointing to it.

(xix) The stress laid upon the rite of circumcision in E.iv.24-26 corresponds to the age of Saul and David, when the contrast was drawn very strongly between Israel and the uncircumcised Philistines' (Ju.xiv.3, xv.18, 1S.xiv.6, xvii.26,36, xxxi.4, 2S.i.20), a phrase which is used nowhere else in the history.

(xx) That writing was practised freely in David's age appears from 18.x.25, 28.xi.14,15, 2S.i.18 (Book of Jasher'); and that Songs were composed and published is shown by 2S.i.17–27, xxiii.1-5, not to speak of some of the Psalms, e.g. Ps.li, lx, lxviii (566, &c.).

(xxi) In the 'Song of Moses' (E.xv.1-18) only the Philistines, Edom, and Moab, are named as the foes of Israel, not Ammon, comp. Ps.lx.8-which again corresponds to David's time, when he was still on friendly terms with the Ammonite king (28.x.2).

(xxii) The laws in the Book of the Covenant (E.xx.22a, &c.) correspond to a primitive time, resembling those (we may believe) which Samuel 'spoke to the people and wrote in a book, and laid it up before Jahveh,' as the common-law of the realm, when Saul was made king (18.x.25), and which may, in fact, have been actually copied or imitated by a writer of that age (E) in these very laws, which Moses in like manner 'spake to the people and wrote in a book' (E.xxiv.3,4) and then read in the ears of the people,' and bound them to obey as the terms of the Covenant between Jahveh and Israel (v.7,8), and which J meant to be laid up before Jahveh' in the Ark, engraved on the tables of stone.

(xxiii) The directions for the altar to be made of earth or of whole stones (Exx.24,25) implies a time before the erection of Solomon's Temple with its Brazen Altar (1K.viii.64, ix.25) or even before that of David's Tabernacle, where probably stood also a more elaborate altar (1K.i.50,51,53, ii.28,29). At all events, they correspond to an age when Samuel and Saul built altars with the first rude materials which came to hand (1S.vii.17, xiv.35); as the promise that Jahveh