position, this was intended to gain the majority, whose dissent was of far greater importance. He had the address in a few minutes to hush the troubled waves to peace. He soon convinced the malcontents, that the appearances of concession, lenity, and tenderness, which had so much alarmed them in the motion, were of such á nature, that they could not interfere with the most rigid measures which they wished to enforce. He said, that the address included too correspondent lines of conduct, which seemed hitherto to have escaped their penetration; one of these was to repress those that were in rebellion, and to establish the government and enforce the laws of this country in the colonies; the other, to protect its friends, and those that were acting under its authority. They had already taken, and were in a train of taking, the most decisive measures for effecting the first of these purposes; and the motion went no further than to provide for the second. What will parliament lose by accepting this motion? The right? It expressly reserves it. It is so essential a part of sovereignty, that parliament, if it would, cannot surrender it. Does it suspend the profitable exercise of the right? So far from it, that it shews the firm resolution of parliament to enforce the only essential parts of taxation, by compelling the Americans to provide what we, not they,' think just and reasonable for the support of the whole em pire, without a compliance with which they cannot hope to make any terms of reconciliation with us. Nothing ought so much to animate the ardour of the youth of this kingdon to a resolute exertion, as this

firm determination of parliament; or encourage the gallant, officers and troops who are going abroad to enforce this spirited proposition, as a certainty that they were not going to fight (as had been often reproachfully urged to them) for trifles, and vain points of honour, but for a substantial revenue. The dispute was at length put upon its proper footing-Revenue, or no

revenue.

This explanation had so good an effect, that the minister himself im proved upon the idea, and acknowledged, in the course of the debate, that he did not expect his proposi tions would be generally received by the Americans, but that he intended by them to separate the grain from the chaff. If it did no good there, it would do good here; it would unite the people of England by holding out to them a distinct object of revenue; as it united England, it would disunite America: whatever province came first to make a dutiful offer, would be kindly and gently treated; and if but one province accepted the offer, the whole confederacy would be broken; and that union, which alone rendered them formidable, would be dissolved.

The gentlemen in opposition were far from controverting any of the charges that were brought on the other side against the motion. They allowed every quality that had been ascribed to it except conciliation, which they utterly denied its possessing. If it led to peace, their eagerness for that wished for object would induce them to receive it, under all the circumstances of contradiction, prevarication, meanness, and humiliation, with which it was said, and they acknowledged it to

be

be loaded. But instead of possessing that happy property, which with them would have atoned for all its bad ones, they said it was insidious, base, and treacherous, in the highest degree; and calculated to render incurable all those miss chiefs which it pretended to remedy; that it was founded upon the wretched principles of the of the Boston Port bill, and would be productive of similar effects; the minister acknowledged this to be a cheat, as that was, and intended for the same purpose, to disunite the Americans; the immediate effect of the former, was to throw all the colonies, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, into one common mass of union; if any further cement was wanting to consolidate that mass; this scheme would supply it most, abundantly.

It was said, that the mode in which this motion was supported by administration, was the most ridiculous that ever was attempted in parliament; they held it out to one side of the House as a measure of concession; and to the other, as a strong assertion of authority; they were renewing that miserable.system of low cunning and folly by which they were governed in the tea-act, which to this country was to be a duty of supply, and to the Americans, a tax only of regulation. It was observed, that there was a sudden and total change in the principles upon which the ministers would have us suppose that we were entering into a civil war, In the whole course of this business, until the present day, they had constantly denied their having any contest about an American revenue; they represented the whole to be a dispute for obedience to trade

1.

laws, and to the general legislative authority; but now they suddenly change their language, and think they shall interest the nation, console our manufacturers, and animate our soldiers, by persuading them that it is not a contest for empty honour, and merely to support the dignity of parliament; that it has an object in view which strikes more immediately on the senses, the acquisition of a substantial revenue; but this attempt of imposition upon the people will be found as futile as their other deceptions, and the proposed revenue as empty a phantom as the supposed honour.

It was said, that though the mode of collection might admit of some saving under that head, it could not change the nature of the tax; the people are as effectually taxed without their consent, by being compelled to the payment of a gross sum, as by an aggregate of small duties to the same amount; but with this odious difference, that the former carries all the appearance of a contribution or ransom levied by an hostile army in a state of avowed warfare. That this scheme of taxation exceeded in oppression any other that the rapacity of mankind had yet devised. In all other cases, some specific sum was demanded, and the people might form some opinion of what they could consider as their own, for the remaining term of the ordnance; but here they were left totally in the dark, as to the extent of the demand; it might be fixed at the half, at the whole, or at more than they were worth; and the same power that authorized the demand, might render their bodies answerable for the deficiency.

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The ridiculous circumstances that must attend this mode of taxation, supposing it possible to be carried into execution, were strongly painted. The colonies were to be held in durance by fleets and armies, until they should singly and separately offer to contribute to a service, the nature of which they could not know, in a proportion which they could not guess, and on a standard which they will be so far from being able to ascertain, that parliament which is to hold it, has not ventured even to hint what they expect. Thus the House is to be converted into an auction-room, the speaker to hold the hammer, and the colonies to be held prisoners of war, until they consent to a ransom, by bidding against each other and against themselves, and until the king and parliament shall call to strike down the hammer, and say enough. If the first offer of an assembly was not deemed sufficient, it was asked what the remedy would be? The business must of course go back to America, and the fleets, armies, and durance must of course continue, until further offers were made by another assembly, and these were again discussed in another session, and perhaps by another parliament; thus the absurdity and impracticability of this proposition were equal to its oppressiveness. The business would be in an eternal rotation between Europe and America, and nothing ever be finished; while our distractions, confusions, and expence would every hour increase. Upon the whole they concluded, that the Americans would receive these insilious propositions with the greatest indignation; that as they would shew them more clearly the necessity, so they would

confirm them the more strongly in their union and opposition. That revenue from a free people must be the consequence of peace, not the condition on which it is to be ob→ tained; and that if we attempted to invert this order, we should have neither peace nor revenue.

Notwithstanding the general dissatisfaction with which this motion was received by the friends of administration, who thought their dignity not a little lowered by it, and believed the effects of conciliation or disunion proposed by it, to be very uncertain, it was thought better not to give a triumph to opposition by rejecting a proposition made by the minister. It was thought also, that this resolution being susceptible of a variety of interpretations, as had appeared in the debates, such an interpretation might be hereafter adopted, as should be most suitable to their circumstances. Accordingly, though some of those who in the beginning had openly declared themselves, and could not recede, voted (on grounds totally adverse to them) with opposition, the rest of the numbers went as usual; and the question was carried on a division 274 to 88.

We should have observed before, that upon the 1st of this month, Mr. Sawbridge, having previously obtained a call of the House, repeated his annual motion for shortening the duration of parliament. The motion was supported; but as usual produced no debate; administration being totally silent upon the subject. It was, probably, from the same certainty of the event, that the majority was not quite so great as in the preceding year and parliament, the numbers upon a

division

division being 195 against, to 104 who supported the motion."

Sir George Saville's annual motion relative to the Middlesex election, was this year taken out of his hands, being yielded with propriety to the gentleman who was immediately affected by that decision. Mr. Wilkes, who was now Lord-Mayor, and who represented the county of Middlesex in parliament, took up in person his own cause, and two days after the debate on the conciliatory motion, moved, "That the resolution of "this House of the 17th of Fe"bruary 1769," that John Wilkes, Esq; having been in this session of parliament expelled this House, was, and is, incapable of sitting in the present parliament,'" be expunged from the journals of "this House, as being subversive "of the rights of the whole body of "electors of this kingdom."

"

This motion was ably supported by the lord-mayor, who was also well seconded; and a considerable debate ensued, in which much of the ground we have formerly traced was again gone over. The question was overruled by a majority of 68, which taking in the uncommon fulness of the House upon the present occasion, was nearly upon a proportional par with that of the preceding year the numbers now be ing, in support of the motion, 171, to 239, by whom it was rejected. On the day that the New-England fishery-bill had passed the House of Commons, administration were called upon by a gentleman in opposition, for a copy of a letter written by the noble minister at the head of the American department, to the lieutenant-governor of NewYork, and dated upon the 10th of

Dec. 1774; as containing matter. of information worthy the consideration and attention of the House. This application the misters refus-. ed to comply with; who said they were the sole judges what matter was or was not proper to be laid before the House; that a spirit of curiosity might prompt people to require the seeing of many papers which it would be very improper to expose to public view; and that from the nature of executive government, many matters must necessarily be kept secret. That if they could be proved to have abused this trust, they were responsible.

the

This occasioned much censure on the audacity of refusing to lay necessary information before House, especially when particular papers were called for and specified; and many reflections were made upon the shameful tameness which submitted to such daring insolence, and to be led blindfold in matters upon which the fate of the nation and empire immediately depended. A motion was also made for an address to his majesty, that the paper in question might be laid before the House; but it passed in the negative.

It was then observed, that a petition and memorial of an extraordinary nature, from the assembly of the island of Jamaica, to the king in council, was reported to have been received some considerable time before, and the ministers being questioned as to the fact, were also asked, whether that was among the secrets of state which was not fit to be communicated to parliament. This omission the ministers attributed to inattention, and to their not considering it as a matter of any great consequence; but [*G] 3

they