pace is to cut off the cause of those disputes, otherwise they will return the moment the terror is over; or perhaps rigour may rather provoke than terrify; and then you fall from bad to worse. They asked, whether the acts of rigour of the last session had produced any of the effects which were expected from them? The question being called for late at night, the motion for bringing in the bill was carried upon a division by a majority of more than three to one, the numbers being 261 to 85 only. In the further progress of the bill, a petition from the merchants and traders of London, who were interested in the American commerce, was presented against it, upon some of the commercial principles mentioned in the foregoing debate; and particularly on the danger, even to our own fisheries, from such prohibition. A motion being made, that the petitioners should be heard by themselves or their counsel against the bill, and in support of their allega tions, it was agreed to; in consequence of which a long train of witnesses, consisting of merchants and captains of ships, who resided in England or North-America, and who had been long versed in the trade and fisheries of both, were examined at the bar of the House, the evidence being conducted by Mr. David Barclay, who was appointed agent to manage this business by the committee of American merchants. In the course of this evidence, (among a vast quantity of other interesting matter) it appeared, that so long ago as the year 1764, the four provinces of New-England employed, in their several fisheries, no less than 45,880 tons of shipping, and 6002 men; and that the produce of their fisheries in the foreign markets for that year, amounted in sterling money to the sum of 322,2201. 16s.-It also appeared, that the fisheries had increased very much since that time; that the New-England fish was much better that that taken by ships fitted out from Great-Britain; that all the materials used in the fisheries, except salt, and the timber of which the vessels are built, were taken from this country; and that the nett proceeds of the fish were remitted here. It was also given in evidence, that neither the whale nor the cod fishery could be carried on, to any degree of equal extent and advan tage, either from Newfoundland or Great-Britain, as from North-America; that there were several local circumstances, and some natural advantages in favour of the latter, which could neither be counteracted or supplied; that with respect to transferring the fisheries to Nova-Scotia or Quebec, were government even to furnish them with a capital, they had neither vessels nor men; nor could they procure them from any other place than New-England; that in any case, the stopping of one fishery, and the creation of another, inust take up much time, and that in the interval the trade would be inevitably lost; and that the people belonging to the American fisheries had such › an abhorrence of the military government established at Halifax, and so invincible an aversion to the loose habits and manners of the people, that nothing could induce them to remove thither, even supposing them reduced to [*F] 2 the the necessity of emigration. It also appeared, that there was nearly 'a million of money owing from NewEngland to the city of London only. They also stated to the House, that the calamities consequent of the bill must fall, in a marked and particular degree, upon people who, from the nature of their occupations, must be innocent; for as the people belonging to the fisheries pass the greater part of the year at sea, they could have no share in the disturb ances or crimes which were imputed to others. The case of the inhabitants of Nantucket was particularly hard. This extraordinary people, amounting to between five and six thousand in number, nine tenths of whom are Quakers, inhabit a barren island, fifteen miles long by three broad, the products of which were scarcely capable of maintaining twenty families. From the only harbour which this steril island contains, without natural products of any sort, the inhabitants, by an astonishing industry, keep 140 vessels in constant employment. Of these, eight are employed in the importation of provisions for the island, and the rest in the whale fishery; which, with an invincible perseverance and courage, they have extended from the frozen regions of the Pole to the coasts of Africa, to the Brazils, and even as far south as the Falkand Islands; some of those fishing voyages continuing for for twelve months. A petition, from the merchants, traders, and principal inhabitants of the town of Poole, in Dorset-shire, was presented, being in avowed opposition to that from London, and in support of the principles of the fishery bill. This petition (which has since been disclaimed and condemned, by another from the town, corporation, and principal inhabitants) set forth, that the restraints upon the colonies would not by any means be injurious to commerce; that the foreign markets might be amply supplied, by extending the Newfound land fishery from England; that the said fishery already exceeded half a million annually, all which centers in this kingdon, whereas the profits of the colony fisheries go elsewhere; that the fishery from the mother country is a constant nursery for seamen for the navy; but that the American seamen are not compellable to serve their country in times of war. They concluded by soliciting, no less for their own imme-diate advantage than for the universal benefit of their country, such encouragement to the British fishery to Newfoundland, as parliament should think proper. A merchant of Poole, who had long traded to Newfoundland, was examined in support of the bill. He endeavoured to shew, that if the. New-England fishery was stopped, the foreign markets might notwithstanding be sufficiently supplied, and in support of that position asserted, that the fishery might be extended to any degree from Great-Britain, as we had men, money, and ships sufficient for the purpose. He, however, cautiously evaded answering any questions that might lead to conclusions different from those which he wished to eštablish. Being asked, whether the slips fitted out for the Newfound land fishery from Great-Britain, were not fitted out at one third more expence than those from NorthAmerica? America? he answered, that he was no judge of that matter; and the question being put, How many men were employed to an hundred ton of shipping, on an average? he had not considered that subject. This evidence did not appear sufficiently satisfactory to overthrow the whole weight of the former testimony. In other matters, this witness was sufficiently informed. It ap. peared that about 400 ships, of about 36,000 tons burthen, 2000 fishing shallops, of 20,000 tons burthen, and 20,000 men, were employed in the British Newfoundland fishery. That above 600,000 quintals of fish were taken annually, which upon an average of seven years, were worth 14s. per quintal, and with the other amounts, consisting of salmon, cod oil, seal oil, and furs, exceeded half a million annually. And that of the 20,000 men, from Great-Britain and Ireland, employed in that fishery, 8000, necessarily continued in Newfound land all the winter. A petition was delivered from the Quakers, in behalf of their brethren and others, the inhabitants of Nantucket, in which they stated their innocence, their industry, the utility of their labours both to themselves and the community, the great hazards that attended their occupations, and the uncertainty of their gains; and shewed that if the bill passed into a law, they must in a little time be exposed to all the dreadful miseries of famine. The singular state and circumstances of these people, oc casioned some attention to be paid to them. A gentleman on the side of administration said, that on a principle of humanity he would move, that a clause should be added to the bill, to prevent its opera tion from extending to any whale ships, which sailed before the first of March, and were at that time the property of the people of Nan tucket. On this petition, and indeed in every stage of the bill, the debate rekindled; and at each revival burned more intensely than before. It was attacked upon every ground of policy and government; and with the greatest strength of lan guage and height of colouring. The minority made amends for the smallness of their numbers by their zeal and activity. They contended, that though the avowed object of this bill was the support of the legislative authority of Great-Britain, over America, its real tendency was finally to root up and destroy whatever still remained of it; that it seemed calculated to convince the colonies, that there was no one branch of supreme authority, which parliament might not abuse in such a manner, as to render it reasona ble to deny, and necessary to resist the whole. That when at first it was thought wisdom to overthrow established privileges, and to combat the prejudices of whole nations, (which however founded, were rendered respectable from their antiquity and extent) by starting up the new claim of taxation, the Americans went no further than to deny our right of internal taxation; having gained the point of urging them to question one right, we soon convinced them, both by argument and practice, that an external tax might be made to answer all the purposes, and to produce all the mischiefs of internal taxation. They then denied our right of taxing for [*F] 3 supply, supply. Parliament then proceeded violently to deprive them of their charters, and to change the course of justice and of trials. Then they were pushed to deny the power of internal legislation. But still in the midst of all their violence and all their provocation to it, they never hitherto had formally rejected the power of parliament to bind their trade. But we are now to convince them, that if but a single branch of legislative power is left to this country, we can distort that branch in such a manner, that it shall include all the purposes of an unlimited tyranny. It was said to be evident, that this bill was intended merely to exasperate the colonies into open and direct rebellion. For though the ministers would be readily acquitted, from having the smallest disposition to military achievement or glory; yet, as by the absurdity of their conduct, and the oppressiveness of their designs, they had thrown the colonies into a state of -disobedience, disorder, and confusion, which it would require the greatest abilities to manage or restore to order, and yet did not come within any legal description of treason, they found themselves bewildered, and utterly incapable of conducting government in so nice and critical a situation. But if they could bring things to the length of rebellion, the course of proceeding, however ruinous and desperate, would be simple and obvious; and it might be hoped, that past error would be forgot, and present inability pass unobserved, in the tumult. Upon this principle, and no other, it was said, the bill could answer its purpose; for by cutting off from the Americans all means of acquiring a livelihood, or receiving provisions, no alternative was left but starving or rebellion. They said that the pretence of relaxing the vigour of this act by powers given to certain governors and the majority of certain councils, was not a corrective but an aggravation of its ill principle. What was it but leaving the subsistance of whole provinces to the arbitrary discretion of those men? That arbitrary power, of less extent, committed to good and tried men would be too great a trust; but the extravagant power of this bill, was to be lodged in the hands of two governors whom the House did not know, (as it was impossible for them to know who might be governors, when the act took place) and to the majority of two councils, every one of whom were equally unknown to them. But if it should even happen, that one or both of these governors and their council should be disposed to mercy, and that the people should submit to the hardest impositions which the very ministers could wish to lay upon them, still the conditions of redemption were clogged with such difficulties, as scarcely left a possibility of its being obtained, until a new law was passed for the repeal of the present. To complete (as they said), the climax of absurdity, deception, and cruelty, in this pretence to clemency and justice, the two whole provinces of Connecticut and Rhode Island, were cut off from even those means of redemption, futile as they were; for by this act their governors had no power of relieving them. They must go to the governor and council of another, and it might be rival and and adverse province, for their deliverance from this restraint. For this extraordinary provision no reason could be known; but that by the constitution of those provinces, the governors were chosen by the people, instead of being appointed by the crown. Thus the crime for which 200,000 people were to be famished, consisted in the form of government which they received from this country. And it was insisted, that the inevitable operaration of this bill must be, to fix so indelible an hatred of this country and its legislature in the minds of the Americans, as would alienate them from us for ever, and render all future plans of reconciliation hopeless. It was said, that the present parliamentary scheme of preserving its authority by destroying its do minions, was new, and unheard of in the history of civilized nations. That in all other cases of rebellion, the established practice was, to punish the rebels, but to spare the country. In foreign wars the country of an enemy was frequently, weakened and wasted, because by so doing the strength of an adverse power was impaired; but the sovereign ought never to forget, that the strength of his country, though a rebellion may for a time exist in it, is still his own strength. Here we have inverted the order of things, and begin by destroying the country and rooting up its commerce in such a manner, as to render it useless to its future possessors. That evil principles were prolific; the Boston Port-Bill begot this NewEngland Bill; this will beget a Virginia Bill; and that again will become the progenitor of others; until, one by one, parliament has ruined all its colonies, and rooted up all its commerce; until the statute book becomes nothing but a black and bloody roll of proscriptions; a frightful code of ri-* gour and tyranny; a monstrous, digest of acts of penalty, incapacity, and general attainder; and that wherever it is opened, it will present a title of destroying some trade, or ruining some province. On the other side, the contumacy, rebellious acts, and treasonable designs of the Americans, were brought to answer all objections. They first provoked penalties by their disobedience, and then denied the right of the power which had been put under a necessity of inflicting those penalties. Some gentlemen on that side, acknowleged the harshness of the measure, and said that they adopted it with the greatest reluctance; but they la mented, that the necessity of the times, and the conduct of the Americans, had rendered harsh measures indispensably necessary. A much greater number contended that the bill was in every respect proper and just, and considering the offences of those who were its' objects, in a high degree merciful. They contended, that though the New-England provinces did not produce wheat sufficient for their consumption, they had great plenty of Indian corn, and did not want other resources to prevent a real famine; and that though their fisheries' were shut up by sea, they did not want fish in their rivers. A fe v went so far as to regret, that the bill did not convey punishments adequate to the crimes of the Americans; and dreaded that the famine, which had been so strongly [*]4 prog |