Q. Well, in preventing his being elected?-A. I do not know that it is necessary for me to assume that fraud was

Q. You thought that fraud was being perpetrated in his interest?A. There were things that looked that way.

Q. That is the way that you believed it, and this Federal interference aided very materially in preventing it?-A. I think it secured a more exact correspondence between the number of voters who actually voted and the number of votes put in the box.

Q. It lessened his vote in this city and in this State?-A. I have that belief.

Q. That the use of this Federal machinery lessened the vote for one of the candidates for governor very materially?—A. Yes, by preventing fraud.

Q. I do not care by what means.-A. Not the actual vote. I do not say that it lessened that.

Q. But the vote that he would have got?—A. It did not reduce the legitimate vote.

Q. The agency of this Federal machinery reduced the vote below what he would otherwise have received ?—A. Below the vote that would have been counted for him.

Q. That would have been counted for him-it is immaterial to me how you put it. You think that it was a good thing for the Federal Government thus to step in and assist the Republicans of Massachusetts to save their State from the disgrace of having Butler elected governor?-A. I think that that was a good thing. I think it was mainly a good thing for the prevention of fraud.

Q. Did it not have more effect upon the State elections, so far as results were concerned, than it had upon the Congressional election ?—A. No; I do not think that it had.

Q. But, as to results, could you not have got along quite well without the aid of this machinery in your State election?-A. I think that we could have got along quite well; but I think that any law which tends to give the people confidence that fraud is not committed is of very great benefit to the State and to the country.

Q. Whether that is passed by the Federal Government or by the State? It does not make any difference to you what power exercises that authority?-A. No.

Q. So long as it is exercised by authority?-A. Yes; one helps the other.

Q. Your State has the means of securing a reasonably honest election-A. I suppose it compares favorably with the other States, though there is too much fraud here.

Q. It might perfect its system on that subject so that it would be a little purer than any of the other States, might it not?-A. I think there might be means of improvement even in Massachusetts.

Q. Within the authority of the State itself?-A. Within the authority of the State itself. But I would not throw away any additional aid that we could get from the Federal Government.

Q. [Referring to the book produced by the witness.] I call your at tention to the ballot before me containing the names of the candidates for governor and other officers at the last State election and having upon the back of it colored stripes without the stars. Who got that up?-A. That was gotten up by the wards, by the Republican committee in the city.

Q. Where was it circulated?—A. That was circulated in Boston.
Q. Was that the first time that you had a banner such as that upon

your ticket?-A. That was, I think, the first time that a ticket was ever printed in that way. It is by a new process of printing several colors at one impression, and is difficult to counterfeit. It became, therefore, a difficult thing to get out what might be called, at the head of it, a "Regular Republican ticket," with the names of the opposition candidates below.

Q. When this ticket was folded up, the back was exposed?—A. We are not allowed to put tickets into the box folded. They have to be opened or else they can be put in in sealed envelopes.

Q. It would require a pretty large envelope to inclose one of these?A. No, envelopes are provided for any persons wishing to put in sealed ballots.

Q. But I say it would take a pretty large one to cover a ticket like the one here. It has a good deal more of bulk than an ordinary ticket? -A. Our tickets are generally of the size of that one. That is the regular size.

Q. If not inclosed in an envelope when voted, a bystander within any reasonable distance of the poll could readily see what ticket it was that the man voted, could he not?-A. Yes, sir.

Q. Was not that the purpose in the use of that kind of a ticket ?—A. The purpose of it was this

Q. First answer my question.-A. No.

Q. Now proceed.-A. The purpose was to prevent mistakes by voters in receiving and putting in the box, without looking at them, tickets headed "Regular Republican ticket," and which they supposed to be regular Republican tickets, but which afterwards turned out to be Democratic tickets or Butler tickets.

Q. Although you have a reading and writing qualification, you were afraid that somebody would vote a ticket without reading it? A. Yes; a great many do that.

Q. Then your educational qualification does not amount to much as a safeguard for the ballot here?-A. It amounts to a great safeguard in informing people.

Q. The man who can read your constitution is a much better informed man on that account?-A. Yes; and he can inform himself as to the ticket if he can read.

Q. But you were afraid he would not do it ?-A. They sometimes get up an exact imitation of the ticket with the leading or more prominent names of the officers upon it, and these followed with the names of Democratic candidates.

Q. But the Republicans never get up anything but the straight ticket? -A. Yes, sir; sometimes

Q. If they should nominate some man in whom you did not believe, how would you get along then?-A. I should scratch his name or write another over it.

Q. As to the tickets like that to which I have called your attention, do you not know that they are used outside of, as well as in, Boston ?— A. Tickets similar to that one were ordered from this Boston firm, I know, and used in other parts of the State; that is, tickets printed in those various colors by one impression.

Q. And with that striped back upon them?-A. Yes.

By Mr. BLAIR:

Q. Describe the Butler ticket at the same election.-A. I do not remember now what its appearance was.

Q. Do you remember whether it was a colored ticket, a green ticket,

with a device on the back?-A. In my ward, as I remember them, there were Butler tickets of all sorts, shapes, and colors, and I cannot recall the exact peculiarities of them.

Q. They were of a variety of colors. How was it with the Congressional ticket? You were in Mr. Morse's district?-A. Yes. All the candidates were on one ticket.

Q. Were any Congressional tickets, so far as you recollect, circulated in a way to deceive the voter or to lead to the perpetration of any fraud? Were tickets distributed with the names of any of the candidates printed in very faint letters at the bottom ?-A. There were.

Q. Describe those very fully, and wherein the practice of fraud existed. Was the name of one candidate printed in very large letters ?A. There was one kind printed in this way, if I recollect it, with Mr. Brimmer's name in the body and Mr. Morse's name down below in the margin.

Q. In what type?—A. In small type, of about the size of that which the printer uses in putting his imprint on.

Q. The other name "Brimmer" was printed in the ordinary type of the ballot, was it?-A. It was. It resulted in those votes being thrown out.

Q. Why were they thrown out?-A. Because they had been cast for two different candidates for the same office of representative.

Q. In what part of the ballot was Mr. Brimmer's name ?-A. In the usual place.

Q. And in the usual sized type for the candidate's name?—A. Yes. Q. To what extent were those ballots used, or do you know that they were used to any considerable extent?-A. They were generally circulated; I came across them in various parts of the district.

Q. And some of them got into the boxes, did they?-A. Yes.

Q. Wherein did this ticket differ from the Republican ticket, with the exception of the name of Mr. Morse, or was it like the Republican ticket?—A. It was not on this paper, I think; it was not printed in these colors [referring to ticket in the book]; I suppose I have a copy

of it.

Q. Was it the same as the Republican ballot, with the exception of the name of Mr. Morse at the bottom ?—A. I do not remember whether it was in other respects the same as the Republican ballot or not.

Q. Were the Congressional ballots printed in connection with the ballots for governor and State officers ?-A. All were on one ballot.

Q. [Exhibiting ballot.] Here is a ballot with the names of all the Republican candidates upon it, and Mr. Morse's name at the bottom. Wherein, with the exception of Mr. Morse's name, does that differ from an ordinary Republican ballot? It is a fac-simile of a Republican ballot, except as to the printing of the name of Mr. Morse at the bottom? -A. No; I do not think it was a facsimile.

Q. There was a variety of Republican ballots?-A. Yes.

Q. It was like some that were circulated?—A. Yes.

Q. Has it been a common thing for the political parties to distinguish their ballots from those of their opponents by some special device ?-A. The Democratic tickets generally have had a green back, and the Republican tickets one of some other color.

Q. You have a law against that now, have you not?-A. Yes.
Q. When was that law enacted?-A. Last year, I think.

Q. So that was a common practice by all parties up to the enactment of this law?-A. Yes.

Q. You have spoken of the payment of these poll taxes and of an

honest difference of opinion among people, whether it is or not advis able for others than the taxpayer to pay the poll tax, or whether it would not be better to require the payment to be made by him alone. You do not mean to be understood as answering, that there was any difference of opinion as to the buying of the vote by paying the tax ?—A. There seems to be.

Q. You do not find anybody contending that it is right to pay the poll taxes of Democrats in order to induce them to vote the Republican ticket, do you?—A. No.

Q. Then, I understand you, what they say is this: that if a man is unable to pay his tax and wants to vote his sentiments, it is entirely right for another who can do it to pay the tax, and give the man an opportunity to vote his honest convictions; that is what you say, is it? -A. Yes.

Q. And it is your belief that that practice was so liable to lead to fraud, that it was abandoned?-A. Yes.

Q. It is a pernicious one?-A. It is a pernicious one.

Q. You have observed that in this State, men of character and influence have been pretty generally charged with having coerced their employés by discharging or threatening them from their employment, and by the other efforts which men of capital can use to affect the suffrage, have you not?—A. Yes, sir.

Q. Have you observed anything of that kind in this State?-A. I have not.

Q. Did any instances of attempted intimidation by Republican employers, managers or business men, come to your knowledge during the campaign in this State?-A. There were none. General Butler propagated some stories of that sort, but they were all exploded immediately, so far as I know.

Q. You know of no instance wherein a wrong was done in that connection?-A. No.

By the CHAIRMAN:

Q. The circular of September 20, 1878, contains this clause [reading from circular in book before referred to]:

Always bear in mind that the welfare of the workingmen is especially at stake, and that it is your duty to see to it that they are not by false promises and unfounded statements misled into believing that an era of prosperity will begin provided only that the office of governor is filled by him whose name is notoriously the synonym of trickery, inconsistency, and broken faith.

Was that a general circular widely sent and distributed?—A. That was sent to the chairmen of the city and town committees.

Q. It was not then widely and publicly distributed; in other words, it was a private circular to the organization?-A. It was a printed circular sent, I think, to both the chairmen and the secretaries of the Republican organization.

Q. It was not a general and public circular?—A. No.

Q. This circular of October 18, asking for the names of ten men, was followed by the circular of October 26, which is the heliotype circular. Was the latter sent to the names that were received in response to the instructions contained in the circular of the 18th --A. We received from the Republican town committees the names of gentlemen in accordance with the first circular, and then we mailed the second circular directly to those whose names were given.

Q. You do not know whether those gentlemen were manufacturers or employers of labor?-A. I never looked over the list at all. That was simply a matter of clerical work.

Q. The circular to clergymen was sent only to clergymen ?-A. It is addressed to clergymen.

Q The names of clergymen were obtained from the committees of different towns ?-A. Of different towns.

Q. And in response to your applications, you got the names of their parishioners and supplied those parishioners with documents? A. Yes. Q. Is it at all unlikely that the circular of the 26th of October was sent to a class, as was the clergyman's circular?-A. I do not see how it could have been sent to any class. That first circular was sent to the chairman of each ward and city committee. We received from those chairmen the names of individuals with their addresses and then we sent this other circular to those persons. I never looked over that other circular to see who those persons were.

Q. How many copies of the circular of October 26, the heliotype circular, were sent? You did say, I believe, about two hundred ?—A. I think the number must have been greater than that. I could tell from our bill just about how many there were. It may have been somewhere near a thousand.

Q. How many of the circulars of the date of October 19, asking for the names of those ten men, did you send out?-A. One to the chairman of each Republican committee, about three or four hundred.

Q. Are there about that number of Republican committees in the State-A. There are, I think, three hundred and forty towns. Of course we did not get answers to all of them.

Q. Your attention has been called by Senator Blair to the document found in Part III of the committee's record. Do you say that a circular such as that might have been issued and you not have known of it?—A. I say the probabilities are that it could not have been issued, inasmuch as it called for reports to be made to the secretary of the State commit. tee, and no such answers come to me in any form.

Q. It might have been issued and suppressed after a very few numbers had been printed?-A. It might have been suppressed.

Q. That may have been the case, and as far as you know; it might have come from Republican sources as well as from the one which you have intimated?—A. I do not think that anybody would have sent out such a circular without my knowledge.

Q. You reached for the clergy. Why not reach for the manufacturers?-A. Well, it did not go from the State central committee. I think it was a scheme or plan of the opposition.

Q. You have stated that already and we shall see more about that before we get through, perhaps. That is your opinion?-A. Yes. I should like to know more about it myself.

Q. Mr. Butler, you say, was the first man in whose hands you saw it being used?—A. Yes.

Q. I would like you to fix the day on which the meeting at which you say it was used was held.-A. I can fix it by reference to the newspaper files. I will give the date at some later period during the day. Q. You say that you know of no meetings of manufacturers; that you heard of none such ?-A. Of none outside of Boston.

Q. Do you know of any meetings with manufacturers in Boston which were called by a member of the State central committee, and which had reference to the control of their employés by the manufacturers ?—A. If you put it in that shape, I do not. There were some gentlemen who met, but I do not know what the character of the meeting was particu larly. It was called generally a meeting of manufacturers. I was not present at it and had nothing to do with calling it.