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If you are looking to lock in your position on the secession vs rebellion with a dash of slavery. It is more complex. Vollständige Rezension lesen
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according admitted adopted agreed America appears argument assertion authority became called cause CHAPTER clause colonies common compact Confederation Congress considered Constitution continues contrary Convention of 1787 debate delegated denied desire doctrine doubt England entered equal established exercise existence express fact faction fathers favor Federal Government Federalist given Hamilton Hence idea independent interests Judge Justice Story known language legislation Legislature letter Madison majority Massachusetts means ment merely nature never North Northern object opinion ordained original parties perfectly persons plain political position precisely present principle prove question ratified reason regard represented resolution respect retained right of secession says secede seems seen Senate slaves society South Southern sovereign sovereignty speak speech supposed theory thing tion true truth Union United Virginia vote Webster whole wished words
Seite 56 - In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court, or place out of Congress ; and the members of Congress shall be protected in...
Seite 135 - The people of this Common-wealth have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign and independent State ; and do, and forever hereafter shall, exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction and right, •which is not, or may not hereafter, be by them expressly delegated to the United States of America, in Congress assembled.
Seite 229 - Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable ; that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties ; and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice, and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.
Seite 252 - To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed.
Seite 165 - And the articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the union shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State.
Seite 201 - Union are virtually dissolved; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must.
Seite 208 - That the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress.
Seite 178 - However gross a heresy it may be to maintain that a party to a compact has a right to revoke that compact, the doctrine itself has had respectable advocates. The possibility of a question of this nature, proves the necessity of laying the foundations of our national government deeper than in the mere sanction of delegated authority. The fabric of American empire ought to rest on the solid basis of THE CONSENT...
Seite 63 - I always thought that, when we should acquire Canada and Louisiana it would be proper to govern them as provinces, and allow them no voice in our councils. In wording the third section of the fourth article, I went as far as circumstances would permit to establish the exclusion. Candor obliges me to add my belief, that, had it been more pointedly expressed, a strong opposition would have been made.