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single individual, who, perhaps, had not accomplices, properly so called, was not less the fruit of the general mode of a certain class, the visible effect and the striking sign, the indubitable symptom, of a malady serious, profound, and extended, which revealed itself in this manner to affrighted Germany. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to collect the judgments of the class of teachers, of students, of writers, and of all those who were subjected to their influence, regarding that frightful action which excited the indignation of nations and found apologists among the initiated. While it inspired terror into the former, it excited the admiration of the latter.

The inquiries which were instituted on the place where the crime was committed provoked or led to others in different parts of Germany. Prussia felt the necessity of enlightening, by extraordinary means, the darkness in which was formed the formidable alliance of false doctrines and wants,-of maxims disinterested in appearance with personal passions. The result of these inquiries has been every where the same; every where facts have supported suppositions, which were too well founded; every thing has proved the existence and activity of a party which sowed in darkness for a harvest, more or less remote, the seeds of revolution. The leaders are linked together by the identity of their principles and sentiments; hold the one to the other by a natural attraction; communicate by letters, but still more

by frequent journies and political missionaries: they support each other with personal knowledge, and often enter into a mutual understanding without a formal explanation. Their object is, to dissolve society, to efface all the political differences which at present exist between the people of Germany, to substitute the real unity of that vast country for the union of its members, and to arrive, through the ruins of existing arrangements, at a new order of things. Their means are, to obtain a hold over the rising generation, by communicating the same spirit, the same sentiments, the same habits, in all the institutions for education, from the schools to the Univer sities. Their spirit is a spirit of independence and of pride, of subversive principles, founded on a system of abstruse metaphysics and mystic theology, for the purpose of fortifying political with religious fanaticism. Their sentiments are those of contempt for every thing that exists, hatred against kings and governments, enthusiasm for the phantom which they call liberty, and love for things out of the ordinary course. Their habits are those of physical force and bodily address; and above all, a taste for secret and mysterious societies, as so many instruments that they may employ against the existing order of society.

The Turnwesen and the Burschenschaft, tending to form of the whole youth a state within the state, have no other object. Within a few years, young men, thus fashioned into docile instruments of their masters, being

in places under the Government, would avail themselves of their situations to overthrow it. The doctrine of these sectaries, such as it is revealed by the crime committed at Manheim and the apologies for that crime, may be reduced to two maxims, equally perverse and bad; the first, that the end legitimates the means; the second, that actions are in themselves indifferent, that their value depends solely on the ideas which give birth to them, and that these ideas are always laudable when they have for their object the independence and liberty of Germany.

Such is the nature of the evil which the investigations have made manifest. It is plain that what is going on is not conspiracy, but preparation for a revolution, not of Prussia only or principally, but of all Germany; not for the present moment, but for the future. From the moment the Governments of Germany discovered and probed the wound, it became their duty to direct their attention to the means by which the progress of the evil was to be combated, and to endeavour to eradicate it. The causes were general, and the evil could therefore be corrected only by general measures, adopted in concert and unanimously assented to by all the Germanic States. To proceed merely against the individuals who had been arrested as best acquainted with the views and plots of the party, and not as the most guilty, and who were chiefly destined to serve as the means of investigation, would have been partial and

insufficient. It was through the causes that the effects were to be prevented.

The

Such was the sole object of the conferences at Carlsbad; they had no other than to concert, with all the parties interested, the fittest means of creating guarantees for a social order in Germany; either by giving more force, dignity and power to the Germanic Diet, or by agreeing on common principles, to be followed by all the German States, respecting the two great vehicles of opinion, the press and education. The Ministers of all the principal Courts assembled at Carlsbad were perfectly united in sentiments and views. evil appeared in a manner so evident, and under forms so alarming, as to strike and occupy every mind. The measures best calcu lated to remove and prevent it were at once so simple and so palpable, so plainly indicated by the causes of the evil, and so conformable to the principles of justice and humanity by which all the Princes of Germany are actuated, that the propositions to be submitted to the Diet experienced no opposition, and were made with the general assent of the Sovereigns and their Ministers. That these propositions were at the same time urgent, and dictated by a common interest, is completely proved by the fact, that merely to present them to the Diet was almost sufficient to cause their adoption, and that they were unanimously converted into resolutions. This important and truly admirable unanimity displays in the fullest light the union of the States of Germany;

Germany; and that union which caused the adoption of the proposed measures guarantees still more their success and the security of Germany, than the measures themselves. That union is the only possible unity; and as it is a living unity, not in name, but in fact-not in form, but in sentiment and in interest, the best results may and ought to be expected from it.

It would be useless to enter into long discussions on the reasons and motives which united all suffrages for the proposed measures. They speak for themselves, and are partly announced in the communication of the President. I consider it necessary, however, to add the following considerations :

When the Sovereigns of Germany, assembled at the Congress of Vienna, declared by article 13 of the Federal Act, that there should be a constitution of states in the several integral parts of the Germanic Confederation, they promised in reality only what they could, and wished to grant to their people; what they would already have performed if the labours preparatory to that institution had permitted them, and what they are about to execute without further delay. But it is certain that the article in question was expressed in a very vague manner, and the innovators have availed themselves of this vagueness, to substitute their own foolish ideas or fantastic hopes respecting Sovereigns. It was, therefore, of much importance that a more precise explanation should be given on this subject, in order to repress the preten

sions of sectaries, and to prevent errors in fact and in act on the part of the governments. This is what has just been done by

the Diet.

The Sovereigns promised a representation of states to their people,-an ancient institution, the revival of which was contemplated,-an institution truly national and Germanic,-an institution which, affording to the different classes of proprietors a legal means of enlightening the Sovereign, and of having an organic voice in the wants and wishes of the nation, is in effect a monarchic institution. But the Princes of Germany never wished, and are not pledged, to give to their people a representation in the modern sense of the word, on the principle and scale of other constitutions hitherto foreign to Germany; a national representation, which, being calculated according to extent of territory and population, and invested with sovereign attribution, would alter the nature of the existing governments and introduce democracy into monarchy. The political malady which attacks a part of Germany, and which threatens, if no remedy be applied, to gain more and more ground, originates in a great measure in the abuse of the press and the bad spirit of the professors in more than one university. There was to be found the source of the poison of false doctrines. There in particular, measures taken in common were necessary. For what advantage would it be to a German government to prevent the licence of the press, if another encouraged or tolerated it? What

would

would be gained by dismissing in Prussia a professor who abused his situation by perverting the minds of his auditors, if he might hope to obtain a chair in another university? It was, therefore, necessary to establish every where a police founded on the same principles. This the Diet has endeavoured to accomplish. The problem is not an easy one: but with regard to the liberty of the press, it has been solved in a manner calculated to conciliate the interests of science, which requires that learned works and grave and profound researches should be free from all shackles, -with the interests of public opinion, and those of the reputation of the governing and the governed, which require that newspapers and pamphlets should be subject to a censorship, in order that the people may not be corrupted by the poison of their falsehoods and erroneous doctrines, nor citizens dishonoured by their slanders and calumnies.

With regard to the Universities, all that renders them justly dear to Germany,-the real freedom of scientific instruction, the extent of the studies which may be prosecuted in them, their particular and original forms, remain untouched. But they are made subject to a more strict superintendence, and it was considered that the most certain means of repressing the political and anti-religious deviations of Professors was, to announce to them the serious consequences which their false doctrines would have during the whole of their existence.

As to the students, a prohi

bition has been renewed which will be supported, and will prevent young men preparing for a life at once learned and active, from becoming what they ought

not to be.

In vain would the Diet have decreed these resolutions, had it remained destitute of a coactive power capable of causing them to be respected. A mode of execution which should be certain, and consequently supported by a sufficient force, was still wanting to the federation. This want formed one of the principal chasms in the federal act; but it is now supplied. The states of Germany, the great as well as the small, so fully recognized the necessity of organizing a coactive power in the confederation, that they did not hesitate to sacrifice to the dignity, the consistency, and the efficiency of the Diet, the fears which weakness might create in some, and those which superiority might suggest to others. In framing this law of execution, it has been endeavoured to guard the, independence of each state as far as possible, without compromising the existence of the association. As the threads of the revolutionary plots cross each other in different directions, and extend to many countries where particular investigations have detected and pointed them out without being able to follow them, it has been concluded that a general Committee of Inquiry, purely temporary, would best collect and connect the facts, in order to exhibit them to all Germany as a lesson for the people and a guide for Princes. The manner in which the commission

will be formed, the spirit of the Governments which are to appoint it, and its limited duration, must suffice to tranquillize the minds of those who are the most ready to take fire at every measure of security which in the slightest degree threatens individual liberty.

Such, Sir, is the sense in which you will represent to the ministry of the Court at which you are accredited, the measures just taken at the Diet.

The considerations which I have communicated to you will be sufficient to enable you to make it be felt, that these measures are connected with each other; that they are the consequences of the same principles; that they tend to the same object; and that they form a whole which should inspire the greatest confidence in their results and the effect which they cannot fail to produce.

It is especially important that you should draw the attention of the ministry, to two results of the new system, which will be beneficial to all Europe.

The Powers of Europe, who combined their efforts against the destructive consequences as well as against the principles of the French revolution; who have replaced legitimacy and property on their ancient bases; who, by solemn treaties, have reciprocally guaranteed this state of things, are more than ever bound as a whole for every thing which relates to their internal tranquillity. One country cannot now be revolutionized, or threatened with revolution, without others being shaken or trembling lest they

should be so. The enemies of social order in the different countries of Europe are united toge ther, not merely by identity of principles, but by the closest communications. Their guilty joys, their scandalous griefs, their fears and their hopes are every where the same; and, in this respect, there reigns among them a perfect community of goods. The sovereigns, who are the chief friends and protectors of social order, cannot flatter themselves with being able to combat their enemies with success, unless they are united in a profession of their principles, and in the same vigorous measures to defend them. It is not for themselves, it is for the people; it is not from the love of power, but out of attachment to liberty, that they ought to put in practice all means for maintaining their tutelary authority. They ought, therefore, to applaud what Germany has just done, and to follow her footsteps. It may be said, without exaggeration, that the tranquillity of Europe depends upon Germany, and the repose of Germany. By its geographical position this country is the centre, or rather the heart of Europe; and the heart cannot be injured or diseased without its being felt all over the body politic.

The measures adopted to give to the Germanic Confederation more unity, force and action, far from inspiring the neighbouring powers of Germany with apprehensions or jealousies, ought on the contrary to be highly agreeable to them, as they ought to see in them new guarantees of the general peace. The force of

the

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