ward and state to you, how impossible it is for them to continue under the present weight of taxation; that their workmen, notwithstanding unremitting toil to the almost extinction of life, are still unable to procure a pittance sufficient for the maintenance of the most wretched existence; you have petitions from the clo thiers of Yorkshire, which state to you that it is impossible for them to continue their business, unless they are protected in a monopoly at home, and are freed from all duties on importation from abroad. The farmers, on the contrary, petition, and tell you, that it is quite impossible for them to pursue agriculture, without the imposition of duties on foreign wool, and still heavier duties on corn, sufficient to se cure to them the home market, and to put an end to a competition destructive to them, and impossible for them to maintain even in their own market, with the untithed, and comparatively untaxed corn of France. The manufacturer says, if you do this, you ruin for ever the commerce and manufactures of the country. On the other hand, the farmer says, if. f you do not do this, I am undone. The merchant declares, that if the Bank shall narrow its discounts, it will ruin trade; and the ministers reply, that if they permit the Bank to continue to inundate the country with its paper circulation, the nation is absolutely undone.Whilst the Bank says, that until the government first pays the monstrous debt it has contracted with the Bank, it cannot pay in cash.

The truth is, taxation is far

beyond what the country can bear, and to relieve it is impossible, without having recourse to reform. Under the present system, it is not in the power of ninisters, nor would it be in the power of the Whigs, were they ministers, materially to retrench the expenditure, even if they were so disposed. What we call corruption and unnecessary expenditure, is what Mr. Arthur Young had very significantly called, the oil for the machine; and it must be confessed, that a great quantity of oil is requisite to keep in action a machine, the motion of which is exposed to so much friction, arising from its repugnance to the interests and feelings of the people. What, I ask, can be more wild and visionary, than to look for effects without causes, to expect the present system to be carried on without the means of corruption which are requisite for the purpose. It is not sufficient for this purpose, merely that taxes should be levied, but also that great numbers of people should be employed in their collection. The number of persons so employed, is as much an object with government, as the money brought into the Exchequer. With a reformed parliament indeed, all this might be dispensed with. Another source of large economy for the public, is the monstrous, dangerous, and unconstitutional military establishment of the country. This monstrous, unconstitutional standing army, every one must see, is thought necessary to support this monstrous, unconstitutional, standing parliament. If the people viewed this House as their safe

guard,

guard, and not as the instrument of their oppression; if, in one word, the people were not excluded from all share in the appointment of those who call themselves the representatives of the people, this immense army would become perfectly useless. The army however may be es sential, or the so called representatives may think it so, for the support of the government carried on by a corrupt House of Commons, for I do not deny that the people might be indisposed to submit to this usurpation, this exclusion of the great mass of the people from its right of representation, if it were not for the army employed for the purpose of supporting it. After many more remarks in reprobation of what the hon. baronet styled the system of boroughmongers, which, as he contended, had produced a state of the representation not less derogatory to the dignity of the Crown, than injurious to the interests of the people, and the abrogation of which he regarded as the one thing needful to the redress of the many grievances of the country, the hon. baronet ended his elaborate speech by moving, that early in the next session, this House should take the subject of the representation into its serious consideration.

Mr. George Lamb, in rising to second the motion, congratulated the friends of reform, on the manner in which it had been introduced by the hon. baronet, as excluding all harassing details which might tend to excite conflicting opinions. For himself, he dissented from the opinions

and theories of those men with whom the hon. baronet was sometimes in the habit of acting. He did not think that the march of reform had been of late great or judicious out of doors. He could not think with the hon. baronet, that the House had been idly occupied in the course of its present sittings: though not indeed engaged in the work of reform, it had been occupied, to a certain extent, in punishing and pulling down bribery and corrup tion. He wished to see the borough system purged of its corruption, the elective franchise extended to populous places where it did not now exist, and triennial parliaments restored. He begged to add, that whatever reception the present proposition might meet with, he must still consider the members of that House as the constitutional representatives of the people.

The other members who took part in this debate, were, with scarcely an exception, gentlemen who usually vote on the side of opposition, and who were nearly unanimous in expressing their wishes for a limited reform of the representation, particularly as a means to the attainment of a reduction in the present profuse and corrupt expenditure of public money in every department of the national establishments. But most of them declared their averseness to pushing reform to the length contemplated by the hon. baronet, and several were opposed to the motion on account of the time at which it was brought forward, though others declared their intention of voting in its favor. After a reply from the

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hon.

Wilberforce said, that the object of his present motion was, that the efforts of his majesty's ministers should be renewed with those powers which had formerly carried on the Slave Trade, but had now passed laws for abolishing it, in order to induce them to take measures for the more effectually carrying the abolition into execution. In consequence of the communications made by his noble friend (Castle reagh) to the powers assembled at Vienna, one of the most forcible declarations ever penned, was unanimously adopted by all the great powers at Vienna, denouncing the African Slave Trade as contrary to every principle of humanity, and as one of the greatest practical evils that ever existed. There was now but one single power, Portugal, which had not declared the Slave Trade a mass of injustice and cruelty, and fixed a definite time for its termination. Spain had abolished it absolutely to the north of the line, and fixed a period for its abolition to the south of it. With respect to the trade, he regretted to say, however, that notwithstanding the laws passed in several countries for its abolition, it was still carried on ;-it had been found impossible to sweep away at once that incurable race of free booters who infested Africa. The persons carrying on the trade were of all nations, English, Dutch, French, Spanish, Portuguese and Americans. But at length, a system of international policy had been adopted on this head, so that it was to be hoped those persons would not be able to escape the punishment

they deserved. Unhappily however, two great powers had hitherto refused to enter into these arrangements, and he could not but regret that these powers had not of themselves taken measures for rendering the abolition of the trade effectual. It grieved him to think, that a great and highminded people, a nation of cavaliers like the French, should refuse to take the proper measures for putting an end to this trade: while we, who had been called a shop-keeping nation, had given it up, it was surprising, that such a traffic as this should have been taken up by a nation which had never been considered as possessing in any considerable degree the commercial character. He was still more hurt, that the United States of America should not have taken effectual means to put a stop to the trade. They were the first to declare that the Slave Trade should be abolished. As soon as the forms of their constitution admitted, they passed a law for its abolition. Many of the States were perfectly sincere in their wish to put an end to it; but unfortunately, there were others where a similar wish was not so prevalent, and which would not consent to the measures for rendering the abolition effectual. The Congress, however, had lately passed a law on the subject, appointing a large naval force, and giving a bounty for bringing in ships engaged in the trade. He trusted, that the United States would provide for the practical execution of their benevolent intentions, as parts of Africa were in a way to show, what the friends of Africa always

asserted,

asserted, that but for the disadvantages under which they had been placed, the genius and temper of the inhabitants would have secured them a progress in civilisation equal to the other quarters of the world. The much calumniated colony of Sierra Léone, now presented the spectacle of a flourishing settlement; 2,000 children were in a course of instruction, and eight or nine thousand free blacks were beginning to taste the advantages of civilization. He was perfectly sure, that the best means of inducing other countries to make efforts for the final abolition of this trade, was, to show them how much we had at heart, to afford Africa reparation for the injury she had suffered at our hands. It was only because it was supposed the victory was gained, that the country was quiet; if they knew that the contrary was the fact, they would show that they did not feel in this great cause less earnestly.

The hon. member concluded by moving an address to the Prince Regent, founded upon the situation of affairs relative to the Slave Trade, which he had explained to the House, and concluding with the following clauses: "That we conceive, that the establishment of some concert and Co-operation in the measures to be taken by the different powers for the execution of their common purpose, may, in various respects be of great practical utility; and that, under the impression of this persuasion, several of the European states have already entered into conventional ar rangements for seizing vessels

engaged in the criminal traffic, and for bringing to punishment those who shall still be guilty of these nefarious practices:- -That therefore, we supplicate his Royal Highness, to renew his beneficent endeavours, more especially with the governments of France, and of the United States of America, for the effectual attainment of an object which we all profess equally to have in view; and we cannot but indulge the confident hope, that these efforts may yet, ere long produce their de sired effect, may insure the practical enforcement of principles universally acknowledged to be undeniably just and true; and may obtain, for the long-afflicted people of Africa, the actual termination of their wrongs and miseries, and may destroy for ever that fatal barrier, which, by obstructing the ordinary course of civilisation and social improve ment, has so long kept a large portion of the globe in darkness and barbarism, and rendered its connection with the civilised and Christian nations of the earth a fruitful source only of wretched. ness and desolation."

After an animated expression of his sentiments on this interesting subject by Sir James Mackintosh, and a few words of approval from lord Castlereagh, the address was agreed to nem.con.

In the House of Lords on July 9th, the Marquis of Lans downe rose to move an address of the same purport with that proposed by Mr. Wilberforce in the Lower House; which was also unanimously agreed to.

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Emigration to the Cape of Good Hope.