whole House, were adopted with some modification as the foundation of two bills, which, after considerable discussion in the Commons, passed both Houses.

Motion for referring to a Committee the Petitions from the Royal Burghs of Scotland.-May 6. Lord Archibald Hamilton rose and said, that after the petitions which had been presented to the House, praying a reform in the constitution and government of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, he trusted that no apology was necessary for occupying the time of the House with this object. But when he had last month brought forward a subject intimately connected with this, the abuses of the burgh of Aberdeen, though he had stated as distinctly as he could, both what his motion was, and what it was not, he had not however escaped the unfair and unfounded insinuations of the gentlemen opposite. They charged him with using the subject merely as a cloak for parliamentary reform; a charge totally unfounded, and which he again disclaimed both for himself and for the petitioners, whose sole object it was to obtain a reform in the internal management of the burghs, radical and comprehensive indeed, but not more than commensurate with the occasion. The grievances complained of were not new, neither were they partial nor transient. Twenty-five years ago, similar complaints had been made by the burgesses of Scotland; and a report of a committee employed to inquire into the subject had been laid on the table of the House. Between a reform in

parliament and the present object, there was no necessary or direct connection; the remote and indi rect connection between them, he would frankly explain;-it was simply this: At present, the magistrates returned the member to parliament without any interference or participation of the burgesses; the burgesses wished to have the same power as to the election of the magistrates, which the magistrates now had in the election of the member. And if this were granted, the magistrates would still retain the same power as now; the only difference would be, that being themselves appointed and maintained by public opinion, instead of being self-elected and selfmaintained in defiance of it, they would probably elect such members as were approved by the burgh at large.

The existing burgh system in Scotland, he proceeded to say, was so oppressive to the inhabitants, so abhorrent from every principle of justice, and so very different from the government of any other part of the united empire, he might say of the civilized world,-that he found it difficult to conceive how the House could refuse a committee of inquiry. He appealed to all who heard him, if in the cases brought under the notice of the House, particu larly in that comprehended in the petition from Aberdeen, a scene of fraud and oppression was not disclosed which called loudly for investigation. What was the existing system? Self-created power, acting under self-created immunity, sanctioned by law. The magistrates first appointed and [F2] continued

continued themselves in office, and then had this unbounded control over the funds of the burghs; they were empowered to contract debts to any amount they pleased, and though the burgesses were not entitled to inquire into their accounts, or to check their expenditure, they were responsible to the full extent for the debts thus contracted. This had been shown in the case of Aberdeen: there the burgesses had no means even of detecting the frauds committed by the magistrates; and if they had the means of detection, they were unable by the present practice, fortified by decisions at law, to obtain any redress. The petitioners also said, that the system was the same in the other burghs. It was from parliament only they could seek relief. Whatever might be the unjust iniquitous conduct of the magistrates, still there was no remedy, no appeal on the part of the burgesses to any court of law, so long as the town council remained unanimous. Another abuse which demanded revision was, that the acts of parliament in favour of the burgesses, such as those which required the residence of magistrates and prohibited the sale of seats in the town council, were allowed to fall into desuetude, while those which supported the unjust and oppressive power of the magistrates continued in full force. Civil or political rights the burgesses of Scotland had certainly none, and if they had no municipal freedom or protection, what right remained to them, unless indeed that of suffering patiently this accumulation

of injuries and of grievances ? The noble lord proceeded to detail other hardships to which the burgesses were exposed, of which the illegal exaction of cess was one. He refuted the opinion advanced on a former occasion by the lord advocate of Scotland, that all which was wanted, was an act regulating the burghs accounts, and that the act of union was an insuperable bar to any more effective interference on the part of the House, and he stigmatized the bill which that learned lord had introduced last year,— had suddenly and mysteriously withdrawn, and had again introduced this year, as involving an aggravation rather than a diminution of the existing evil. He concluded by moving for a select committee, to consider of the petitions from the Scotch burghs, and to report thereon.

The motion was opposed by Mr. W. Dundas, Mr. Boswel, lord Binning, and Mr. Forbes, principally on the ground of its alleged connection with parliamentary reform; it was supported by Mr. Primrose, Mr. P. Grant, and Mr. Wynn; the latter of whom concluded by remarking, that he had not heard any contradiction to the statements of the petitions; and he believed he might say with confidence, that at no time had such statements ever been made without securing parliamentary interference.

Mr. Canning thought it proper to assign his reasons for voting against the motion of the noble lord. He denied in general the position advanced by Mr. Wynn, that the House might, notwithstanding the act of union, which

reserved

reserved the rights and privileges of the Scotch burghs, legislate for these as it might do respecting English ones; though he did not dispute that where a case of malversation ad hoc was made out, this might be done. The bill of the lord advocate remained for future discussion; but to the present motion he never could accede, because he was averse to any attempt to meddle with the established system of Scotch representation; entertaining as he did the utmost apprehensions of the consequences of any measure tending to what was called parliamentary reform, to which he declared his decided opposition, "whether it exhibited itself in the broad, gross, disgusting, tyrannical, and insulting shape, in which of late it had appeared in other places, or in the more plausible and less offensive, but not less dangerous character, in which it was occasionally laid before that House."

On the division, the numbers were, Ayes, 149; Noes, 144: Majority for the motion 5. A result which was received with loud cheers by the opposition.

Army Estimates.-May 7. The House having gone into a Committee of Supply, lord Palmerston said, that in bringing up the army estimates, he should trouble the House with few remarks, as little could be added to the minute details of the finance committee on this head. Upon a general view of the numbers of the army for the present year, as compared with the number of men voted last year, taking, in the first instance, the permanent

establishments of the two years, and leaving out the troops in India and in France, there would be found a diminution of 9,800 men. Upon a general view of the estimates of last year and the present year, there appeared to be a diminution in the present year of 26,042 men. This was the amount of the reduction of force which had actually been effected since the estimate of last year. After entering into a variety of details of expenditure, through which it would be superfluous to follow him, the noble lord concluded with moving, that a sum not exceeding 258,776l. 11s. 2d. should be granted to his majesty to complete the sum required for defraying the charge of his land forces from Dec. 25, 1818, to Dec. 24, 1819.

Colonel Davies conceived, that a saving of 120,000l. might be effected on the estimates, by means which he should explain hereafter. He could not help expressing his astonishment at the increase of the staff, and particularly when he compared that of Ireland with this country. In England, Scotland, Guernsey, and Jersey, there were seven general officers, exclusive of the commanders in chief and the heads of departments, to 25,000 men. In Ireland, to a force of only between 17 and 18,000 men, there were no less than eleven general officers. ficers. He likewise questioned the utility of the military college, which appeared to him only a pretence for keeping up an enormous establishment.

Mr. Hume was not one of those who thought a standing army should be entirely disbanded in

time of peace; but he considered it as important that it should be as small as possible, and regulated only by the exigency of the times, not by comparison with times of war and of extraordinary exertions. He must say, that in the present state of the country, 3,503,3371. appeared to be a large sum for the efficient troops of a peace establishment. The noble ford stated a reduction in the amount of several items in the estimate, as compared with last year; but there was also an increase in other items, which rendered the whole total expense of this year greater than that of the last by 88,521. He then pointed out the Military College and the Military Asylum as fit objects of considerable reduction. After some remarks by Mr. Bennet, and a reply by lord Palmerston, the different items were put and agreed to.

On May 10, when Mr. Goulburn brought up the report of the committee of supply on the army estimates, these became again a subject of discussion.

Sir H. Parnell animadverted severely on the enormous military establishment which government seemed determined to maintain, at a period when a deficit of 14,000,000l. appeared in the revenue, which was to be supplied from the sinking fund; and he pointed out the expense of the Irish staff as a fit object of inquiry.

Mr. Hume could not permit the grant for the support of the staff at home and abroad to pass without calling the attention of the House to the fact, that the new colonies of Ceylon, the Mauritius,

the Cape, Malta, and the Ionian Islands, named in the grant, possessed a revenue exceeding 1,200,000l. entirely at the disposal of ministers, and of which no account had been rendered to parliament. This was a subject which parliament would be guilty of a culpable neglect in omitting to investigate; and he founded upon it a motion for deducting from the proposed grant a sum of 21,1041. the amount of the staff estimate for the above colonies.

After some explanation from Mr. Goulburn, the original resolution, and afterwards all the other resolutions, were put and carried.

Marquis Camden's Tellership Bill.-May 11. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved for leave to bring in a bill for enabling the public to accept of marquis Camden's magnificent sacrifice of the surplus profits of his unreduced tellership of the exchequer. From the donation of the noble marquis in this and other forms, the country had already derived 45,000l. He was now desirous to be farther enabled to give up, during life, the surplus income of his office, amounting, in time of peace, to about 9,000l. a year. Doubts had arisen whether this donation might not be considered as an illegal benevolence, unless sanctioned by parliament, which account this bill brought in; a former act, to authorize contributions by his majesty's ministers and other public officers, having expired.

on

was

Lord Castlereagh, in seconding the motion, said, that it was not claiming too much merit for such

an

an act, voluntarily performed, to say, that a more spendid sacrifice of private right to the public service was never heard of in any state. As a patent office, it might be fairly considered as a legal estate, and had always been so considered by that House. It should be remembered also, that it was an office which had not been conferred as an act of grace and favour on the noble marquis himself, but which he had inherited from his father, to whom it had been granted, by way of compensation for giving up the high and dignified appointment of chief justice of the Common Pleas, in order to enter into the political service of the country.

Mr. Tierney professed the most sincere satisfaction in the occasion afforded for the present discussion. He had always regretted, that the conduct of marquis Camden in this instance should be passed over with so little public observation. It was a magnificent donation to the country, made under circumstances which greatly enhanced its generosity. Were he now to mention the nobleman who, in his opinion, stood the highest in this country, he should certainly name lord Camden; whose attachment to his country must be truly strong, to induce him to abandon what had been earned for him by his illustrious father. He trusted that a motion would be made for placing some memorial on the Journals of the House, of so singular an example of disinterestedness.

After a few words of commendation of the conduct of the noble marquis from Mr. Banks, Mr.

Wilberforce, and others, leave was given to bring in the bill.

Foreign Enlistment Bill.-May 13. The Attorney General rose to move for leave to bring in a bill, to prevent enlistments and equipment of vessels for foreign service. Every state, he observed, was at liberty to set restrictions on its subjects to prevent them from entering into the service of other states for the purpose of warfare. A statute of Geo. 2nd,' already made it felony to enter into the service of any foreign state; but it was important to the country, that if neutrality was to be observed, it should be observed between states which claimed to themselves the right to act as such, as well as between acknowledged states. The words of the statute, however, were such, that it was doubtful whether they would comprehend the case of such as entered into the service of unacknowledged states; and it was in part the object of his motion to amend this inequality of the statute by introducing, after the words, "King, prince, state, potentate," the words,

colony or district who do assume the powers of a government." The law, as it stood on two statutes, the 9th and the 29th of George 2nd, annexed the heavy penalty of felony to the offence of entering the service of a foreign state; but though the law, both formerly and now, was equally against entering that of acknowledged and unacknowledged states, yet it could not punish those who entered the service of the latter. Thus, if any mother country