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against one who was not at least inferior to him in ability and integrity. Nevertheless Mr. Clarkson is willing to obtain the testimony of Franklin in favour of the object of his admiration; though it is to be regretted, that he could not even do this, without mixing with his quotation something disrespectful of the very authority which he cited. Nay," says he, "if I mistake not, Dr. Franklin himself was among those who highly respected Penn."

The doctor had a satirical way of expressing himself when he was not pleased, and therefore when he found fault with William Penn, he could not get rid of his old habit; but the hostility he manifested, was far more in manner than in heart. He was assuredly more severe upon William Penn's grandsons, against whom (it is said) he published a small pamphlet, where, as if no other way had been left to expose them, it is singular that he contrasted their conduct with the virtuous example of their noble ancestor. The little ludicrous motto, prefixed to this work, and which was taken from John Rogers's primer, may enable the reader to judge, in part, of its

this troublesome but important concern, at the court of Great Britain, he had opportunities of becoming acquainted with many persons of the first consequence in the state, who, on their side were not wanting in observing his extraordinary sagacity and comprehensive understanding. The war in which Great Britain was then involved, could not fail to excite much of his attention, and he was not alone in the opinion, that by pursuing the contest solely in Germany, England incurred an enormous expenditure, without either reaping any immediate advantage, or facilitating an honourable termination. There was something, indeed, peculiarly splendid in the achievements of the king of Prussia; and the nation, without knowing why, seemed to identify the cause of that monarch with the security of the Protestant religion, and the maintenance of the balance of power, the favourite delusions of that period. The judgment of Franklin was unbiassed by prejudices which had no foundation in reason, and too cool to be warmed by the report of victories, the result of which appeared to be little more than an occasion for renewed exertions and more sanguinary conflicts, without any definite object or satisfactory prospect. He contemplated the interests of Britain in a more dispassionate point of view, than those who made them dependant upon the success of subsidized allies; and knowing by experience, The ingenious eulogist of Penn, however, how desirous France was to gain a more exdoes not seem to have been aware, that intended footing in America, he thought it attempting to invalidate the testimony of Franklin, he had before completely destroyed the value of his praise. In the general view of the character of Penn, no doubt the latter concurred fully with the voice of the public; but knowing, as he did, the minuter parts of the history of his connexions with the province which bears his name, it was impossible either to pass them over in absolute silence, or to speak of them without some observation on the want of consistency in so great a man.

contents:

I send you here a little book,
For you to look upon:

That you may see your father's face,
Now he is dead and gone."

Thus much it was proper here to remark, because if a necessity existed for the justification of Penn, from any reflections bestowed upon him by the historian of his settlement, it must be equally necessary to show that these reflections did not proceed from the wantonness of a satirical humour, or the malignity of wit, but from an attentive examination of the subject, and the paramount love of truth, in a concern which demanded an investigation in detail, and a full exposition for the ends of justice.

While Benjamin Franklin was engaged in

* In a letter to Mr. David Barclay, dated Passy, January 8, 1783, Dr. Franklin thus expresses himself:"Your friends on both sides the Atlantic, may be assured of whatever justice or favour I may be able to procure for them. My veneration for William Penn is

not less than yours; and I have always had great esteem for the body of your people."

would be the wisest way to counteract her ambitious projects, by an attack upon her own colony. Franklin was no stranger to Canada, and he was thoroughly persuaded that the possession of that country gave to the French a commanding influence over the Indians, of which they never failed to take an advantage, to the annoyance of the English colonies. Looking upon France in relation to England as another Carthage, he formed the project of destroying her maritime ascendancy; as well to strengthen the political and commercial state of Great Britain, as to provide a permanent security for her foreign dependencies. The more he weighed the subject in his mind, the more was he satisfied that the true interest of Great Britain lay in weakening her rival on the side of America, rather than in Germany; and these sentiments he imparted to some of his friends, by whom they were reported to the indefatigable William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham; who no sooner consulted him on the practicability of the conquest, than he was convinced by the force of his arguments, and determined by the simple accuracy of his statements. The enterprise was immediately undertaken, the command given to general Wolfe, and conducted with such celerity, as completely to deceive France, who had no apprehensions

for the safety of Canada, till the intelligence | desired effect, for at the treaty in 1762, France reached Europe of its being irrevocably lost. ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by the This acquisition gave a new turn to the cession of Louisiana at the same time, repolitical interests of the English colonies, and linquished all her possessions on the North followed as it soon was by a new reign, it American continent, contributed very materially to the restoration jourof peace. The brilliancy of the conquest of Canada, and the powerful pamphlet written about this time by Franklin's intimate friend, Israel Mauduit, a merchant of London, on the impoliey of German wars, drew the attention of the nation to the importance of that country, and the necessity of preserving it for the welfare of our own colonies. There were not wanting, however, some politicians who considered the possession of Canada in another light, and as less desirable than the retention of Guadaloupe, which about the same time surrendered to the British arms.

Mr. Franklin about this time made ney to Scotland, whither his reputation as a philosopher had preceded him: he was greeted by the learned of that country, and the university of St. Andrews conferred upon him the degree of doctor of laws. Its example was followed by the universities of Edinburgh and Oxford. The entries of the honours conferred by the latter, on himself and son, are thus made:

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Esq. Provinc. Pensylvan. Deputat. ad Curiam Sereniss. Legat Tabellariorium per American Septentrionalem Præfectus Generalis et Veredariorum totius Novæ Angliæ, et R. S. S. cr. D. C. L. Apr. 30, 1762.

FRANKLIN, (WILLIAM) Esq. Juris Municip. Consult. cr. M. A. Apr. 30, 1762.

Soon after this period, a vacancy in the government of New Jersey having occurred, Dr. Franklin's son, without any solicitation whatever on the part of his father, but from his own personal merits, and in consideration of his military services in America during the last war, (backed by the powerful recommendation of lord Bute,) was appointed governor of that province.

On the prospect of peace with France, the earl of Bath, addressed "A Letter to two Most of the other learned societies of great Men," (Mr. Pitt and the duke of New-Europe were equally ambitious of calling him castle) on the terms necessary to be insisted a member, and nominated him as such: thus on in the negotiations. He preferred the he was eventually consoled and rewarded for acquisition of Canada, to the acquisitions in the neglect or opposition his discoveries in the West Indies. In the same year (1760) philosophy had originally experienced. there appeared, "Remarks on the Letter addressed to two great Men," (written by Messieurs Burke) containing opposite opinions on this and other subjects. At this time Mr. Franklin stepped into the controversy, and wrote a pamphlet, in which he was assisted by his friend Mr. Richard Jackson, (who desired not to be known on the occasion) entitled, "The Interest of Great Britain considered with regard to the Colonies, and Governor Franklin filled this high and the acquisition of Canada and Guadaloupe," honourable situation with equal credit to himin which were pointed out in the most clear self and advantage to the province, till the and forcible manner, the advantages that commencement of the American revolution; would result to Great Britain from the reten- when, unlike most of the governors of the tion of Canada; demonstrating also, that the other provinces at that eventful period, he security of a dominion, is a justifiable and remained undismayed at his post, till he was prudent ground upon which to demand ces- seized by the revolutionary government, consions from an enemy;-that the erection of veyed to Connecticut, and rigorously detainforts in the back settlements, was almost ined as a prisoner for near two years, when he no instance a sufficient security against the Indians and the French; but that the possession of Canada implied every security, and ought to be had while in the power of the British government:-and that the French retaining Canada, would be an encouragement to disaffection in the British colonies, &c. These arguments appear to have had the

* Of this name there were four, who obtained some eminence separately and associated. Edmund Burke the most celebrated of the four, and whose history is associated with the two great revolutions of the last century; his brother Richard, who became recorder of the city of Bristol; William Burke the cousin of these two, who was for a time secretary to general Conway, and an army paymaster in India, through whom Edwhich enabled him to bring Hastings before the house of lords; the fourth was Richard the son of Edmund, most celebrated as a confidential agent of the British government in Ireland, and at the conferences of Pilnitz, in 1791.-Edit.

mund received the most minute details of those events

was eventually liberated in 1778, in exchange for an American general officer. He retired to England and obtained from the British government a pension, which he enjoyed till his death, in 1813.

It has been frequently asserted, that Dr. Franklin held out every temptation and inducement to his son to quit his allegiance to Great Britain, and to take part with the colonies. This was not so: Dr. Franklin made no attempt of the sort, whatever may have been his secret wishes on that subject. In a letter to his son of Oct. 6, 1773,* he says: "I know your sentiments differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thorough government man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you. I only wish you to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding

* See "Private Correspondence."

that duplicity, which in Hutchinson adds con- | his exertions for the liberties and welfare of tempt to indignation. If you can promote the country. the prosperity of your people, and leave them happier than you found them, whatever your political principles are, your memory will be honoured."

During the whole of the American contest, Dr. Franklin never had any communication whatever with his son, either directly or indirectly but at the close of the war, in answer to an overture from him towards a reconciliation, the father thus feelingly expressed his sentiments on his son's late political conduct ::

"Passy, August 16, 1784.

"DEAR SON,-I received your letter of the 22d ultimo, and am glad to find, that you desire to revive the affectionate intercourse that formerly existed between us. It will be very agreeable to me: indeed nothing has ever hurt me so much, and affected me with such keen sensations, as to find myself deserted in my old age, by my only son; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up arms against me, in a cause wherein my good fame, fortune, and life, were all at stake. You conceived, you say, that your duty to your king and regard for your country required this. I ought not to blame you for differing in sentiment with me in public affairs. We are men all subject to errors. Our opinions are not in our own power; they are formed and governed much by circumstances, that are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. Your situation was such, that few would have censured your remaining neuter, though there are natural duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extinguished by them. This is a disagreeable subject: I drop it. And we will endeavour, as you propose, mutually to forget what has happened relating to it, as well as we can. I send your son over to pay his duty to you. You will find him much improved. He is greatly esteemed and beloved in this country, and will make his way any where, &c.”

In the summer of 1762, Dr. Franklin returned to Philadelphia, and shortly after received the thanks of the assembly of Pennsylvania, “as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of five thousand pounds, Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for his services during six years. Even in his absence, he had been annually elected a member of the assembly of representatives of the province, and he again took his seat in that body, and continued * Governor Franklin (it is believed) formed and

commanded the corps of royalists at New York.

In December, 1762, considerable alarm was occasioned in the province, by what was called the Paxton murders. It is thus related: "A number of Indians had resided in the county of Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to the white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers, had exasperated the inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every Indian. A number of persons, to the amount of about one hundred and twenty, principally inhabitants of Donnegal and Peckstang, or Paxton, township, in the county of York, assembled, and, mounted on horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number had now been reduced to about twenty. The Indians had received intelligence of the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved it: considering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and amongst others, the chief Shaheas, who had always been distinguished for his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-disposed part of the community.

"The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who by absence had escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the gaol as a place of security. The governor of Pennsylvania issued a proclamation, expressing the strongest disapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable inhabitants in future. But notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for security. Another proclamation was issued, but it had no effect. A detachment marched down to Philadelphia, for the express purpose of murremoved to the city for safety. A number dering some friendly Indians, who had been of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence, were

most active on this occasion. The rioters

came to Germantown, within five miles of Philadelphia. The governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some others, advanced, to meet the Paxton-boys, to prevail upon them to relinquish their unas they were called, and had influence enough dertaking, and return to their homes."-Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet on this occasion,

which had a considerable effect, in soothing your majesty would be graciously pleased to the passions, and restoring tranquillity. His resume the government of this province, services, however, were but ill requited by making such compensation to the proprietaries the governor, who was, as well as the pro- for the same as to your majesty's wisdom and vince, under great obligations to his active goodness shall appear just and equitable, and and successful exertions. permitting your dutiful subjects therein to enjoy, under your majesty's more immediate care and protection, the privileges that have been granted to them by and under your royal predecessors. By order of the house."

The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which had so long agitated the province, and which had for a time subsided, were again revived, and are thus accounted for:

"The proprietaries were discontent at the concessions made in favour of the people, and again exerted themselves to recover the privilege of exempting their own estates from taxation, which they had been induced, with great reluctance, to relinquish.

Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house, but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickinson on the subject was published with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to show the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Joseph Galloway, Esquire, in reply to Mr. Dickinson, was also published, accompanied by a preface by Dr. Franklin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickinson's speech. Among other pointed remarks, Dr. Franklin says:

"In 1763, the assembly passed a Militia Bill, to which the governor refused to give his assent, unless the assembly would agree to certain amendments which he proposed. These consisted in increasing the fines, and in some cases substituting death for fines. He wished, too, that the officers should be "In the constitution of our government, appointed altogether by himself, and not no- and in that of one more, there still remains a minated by the people, as the bill had pro-particular thing that none of the other Ameriposed. These amendments the assembly can governments have; to wit, the appointconsidered as inconsistent with the spirit of ment of a governor by the proprietors, instead liberty: they would not adopt them-the go- of an appointment by the crown. This parvernor was obstinate, and the bill was lost." ticular in government has been found inconThese, and various other circumstances, venient; attended with contentions and conincreased the uneasiness which subsisted be-fusions wherever it existed; and has therefore tween the proprietaries and the assembly, to such a degree, that in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by the house, praying an alteration from a proprietary to a regal government. The following draught of the same, was found in Dr. Franklin's papers:"To the king's most excellent majesty, in council, the petition of the representatives of the freemen of the province of Pennsyl-possible, during his own life-time. They acvania, in general assembly met, most hum-cordingly entered into a contract for the sale bly showeth,

"That the government of this province by proprietaries, has, by long experience, been found inconvenient, attended with many difficulties and obstructions to your majesty's service, arising from the intervention of proprietary private interest in public affairs, and disputes concerning those interests.

"That the said proprietary-government is weak, unable to support its own authority, and maintain the common internal peace of the province, great riots having lately arisen therein, armed mobs marching from place to place, and committing violent outrages and insults on the government with impunity, to the great terror of your majesty's subjects. And these evils are not likely to receive any remedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries and people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing.

"We do therefore, most humbly pray, that

been gradually taken away from colony after colony, and every where greatly to the satisfaction and happiness of the people. Our wise first proprietor and founder William Penn, was fully sensible of this; and being desirous of leaving his people happy, and preventing the mischiefs that he foresaw must arise from that circumstance, if it was continued, he determined to take it away, if

of the proprietary right of government to the crown; and actually received a sum in part of the consideration. As he found himself likely to die before that contract (and with it his plan for the happiness of his people) could be completed, he carefully made it a part of his last will and testament; devising the right of the government to two noble lords, in trust, that they should release it to the crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the assembly now desire to have done. Surely he that formed our constitution, must have understood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the change; that he would have taken such effectual measures as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the

An eloquent divine, Dr. William Smith, has observed on this occasion, "That under whatsoever circumstances this second embassy was undertaken, it appears to have been a measure pre-ordained in the councils of Heaven; and it will be for ever remembered to the honour of Pennsylvania, that the agent selected to assert and defend the rights of a single province at the court of Great Britain, became the bold asserter of the rights of America in general; and beholding the fetters that were forging for her, conceived the magnanimous thought of rending them asunder before they could be rivetted."

same time with the baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had promised them, and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them, when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province ? Surely none can be so inconsistent!-And yet this proprietary right of governing or appointing a governor, has all of a sudden changed its nature; and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province, that the assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is styled an attempt. The disturbances produced in America by to violate the constitution for which our fa- Mr. Grenville's Stamp Act, and the oppothers planted a wilderness; to barter away sition made to it are well known. But the our glorious plan of public liberty and char- origin thereof has generally been misunderter privileges; a risking of the whole con- stood. The following letter from Dr. Frankstitution; an offering up our whole charter lin on that subject, will correct some of the rights; a wanton sporting with things sa- misrepresentations relative thereto. cred,' &c."

In addition to the preface just mentioned, Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet, entitled "Cool Thoughts," tending to promote the same views. The assembly's application to the throne however, produced no effect, and the proprietary government remained unchanged.

“To William Alexander, Esq.

"PASSY, March 12, 1778.

that Mr. Grenville demanded of them a specific sum; that they refused to grant any thing; and that it was on their refusal only that he made a motion for the Stamp Act. No one of these particulars is true. The fact was this.

"DEAR SIR,-In the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend me, there is one important fact misstated, apparently from the writer's not having been furnished with good informaAt the election for a new assembly, in the tion; it is the transaction between Mr. Grenautumn of 1764, the friends of the proprie-ville and the colonies, wherein he understands taries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia. Dr. Franklin on this occasion lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, however, it appeared that there was still a decided majority of his friends, and he was again appointed to resume his agency at the court of Great Britain, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a solemn protest against his appointment; but which was refused admission upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and produced a spirited reply, from him, entitled “Remarks on a late Protest," &c.

The opposition made to his re-appointment seems greatly to have affected his feelings; as it came from men with whom he had long been connected, both in public and private life," the very ashes of whose former friendship," he declared, he revered." His pathetic farewell to Pennsylvania, in the publication abovementioned, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of his mind on this occasion.

"Some time in the winter of 1763-4, Mr. Grenville called together the agents of the several colonies, and told them that he purposed to draw a revenue from America, and to that end his intention was to levy a stamp duty on the colonies by act of parliament in the ensuing session, of which he thought it fit that they should be immediately acquainted, that they might have time to consider, and if any other duty equally productive would be more agreeable to them, they might let him know it. The agents were therefore directed to write this to their respective assemblies, and communicate to him the answers they should receive: the agents wrote accordingly.

"I was a member in the assembly of Pennsylvania, when this notification came to hand. The observations there made upon it were, that the ancient, established, and regular method of drawing aids from the colonies was this. The occasion was always first consi"I am now," says he, "to take leave (per-dered by their sovereign in his privy council, haps a last leave) of the country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. Esto perpetua!-I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I forgive my enemies."

by whose sage advice, he directed his secretary of state to write circular letters to the several governors, who were directed to lay them before their assemblies. In those letters, the occasion was explained for their

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