present threatening the general welfare, but to cement a cordial union, and remove, not only every real grievance, but every cause of jealousy and suspicion. With this view, the first thing necessary is, to know what is, by the different parties in the dispute, thought essentially necessary for the obtaining such an union. The American congress, in their petition to the king, have been explicit, declaring, that by a repeal of the oppressive acts therein complained of, "the harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, so necessary to the happiness of both, and so ardently desired of them, will, with the usual intercourse, be immediately restored.” If it has been thought reasonable here, to expect that, previous to an alteration of mea- On the Saturday evening I saw Mrs. Howe, sures, the colonies should make some declara- who informed me she had transcribed and sent tion respecting their future conduct, they have the paper to lord Howe in the country, and also done that, by adding, "That when the she returned me the original. On the followcauses of their apprehensions are removed, ing Tuesday, January 3d, I received a note their future conduct will prove them not un- from her, (inclosing a letter she had reworthy of the regard they have been accus-ceived from lord Howe the last night,) which tomed in their happier days to enjoy." follows: For their sincerity in these declarations, they solemnly call to witness the Searcher of all hearts. lin, she incloses him a letter she received "Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. FrankIf Britain can have any reliance on these his very obliging present,* which has already last night, and returns him many thanks for declarations, (and perhaps none to be extorted by force can be more relied on than these given her great entertainment. If the doctor has which are thus freely made,) she may, with- ceedingly glad to see him any morning this any spare time for chess, she will be exout hazard to herself, try the expedient pro-week, and as often as will be agreeable to posed, since, if it fails, she has it in her power him, and rejoices in having so good an excuse at any time to resume her present measures. for asking the favour of his company." It is then proposed, Tuesday." That Britain should show some confidence in these declarations, by repealing all the laws or parts of laws that are requested to be repealed in the petition of the congress to the king. And that, at the same time, orders should be given to withdraw the fleet from Boston, and remove all the troops to Quebec or the Floridas, that the colonies may be left at liberty in their future stipulations. 66 [Letter inclosed in the foregoing.] "PORTER'S LODGE, Jan. 2d, 1775. "I have received your packet; and it is with much concern that I collect, from sentiments of such authority as those of our worthy friend, that the desired accommodation threatens to be attended with much greater difficulty than I had flattered myself, in the progress of our intercourse, there would be reason to apprehend. That this may, for the honour of Britain, appear not the effect of any apprehension from the measures entered into and recommended "I shall forward the propositions as intendto the people by the congress, but from good ed. Not desirous of trespassing further on will, and a change of disposition towards the our friend's indulgence; but returning senticolonies, with a sincere desire of reconcilia-ments of regard, which his candid and obligtion; let some of their other grievances, which ing attention to my troublesome inquiries, will in their petition they have left to the magna- render ever permanent in the memory of nimity and justice of the king and parliament, your affectionate, &c. be at the same time removed, such as those relating to the payment of governors' and judges' salaries, and the instructions for dissolving assemblies, &c., with the declarations concerning the statute of Henry VIII. And to give the colonies an immediate орportunity of demonstrating the reality of their professions, let their proposed ensuing congress be authorised by government, (as was 66 66 "I ought to make excuses likewise to you. His lordship had, in his last conversation with me, acknowledged a communication between him and the ministry, to whom he wished to make my sentiments known. In * His philosophical writings. this letter from the country he owns the receipt of them, and mentions his intentions of forwarding them, that is, as I understood it, to the ministers; but expresses his apprehensions that such propositions were not likely to produce any good effect. Some time after, perhaps a week, I received a note from Mrs. Howe, desiring to see me. I waited upon her immediately, when she showed me a letter from her brother, of which having no copy, I can only give from the best of my recollection the purport of it, which I think was this; that he desired to know from their friend, meaning me, through her means, whether it might not be expected, that if that friend would engage for the payment of the tea as a preliminary, relying on a promised redress of their grievances on future petitions from their assembly, they would approve of his making such engagement; and whether the proposition in the former paper, (the HINTS,) relating to aids, was still in contemplation of the author. As Mrs. Howe proposed sending to her brother that evening, I wrote immediately the following answer, which she transcribed and forwarded. from the ministers themselves. His lordship was not, he said, as yet fully acquainted with their sentiments, but should learn more in a few days. It was, however, some weeks before I heard any thing further from him. In the meanwhile, Mr. Barclay and I were frequently together on the affair of preparing the merchants' petition, which took up so much of his time that he could not conveniently see lord Hyde; so he had no information to give me concerning the Hints, and I wondered I heard nothing of them from Dr. Fothergill. At length, however, but I cannot recollect about what time, the doctor called on me, and told me he had communicated them, and with them had verbally given my arguments in support of them, to lord Dartmouth, who, after consideration, had told him, some of them appeared reasonable, but others were inadmissible or impracticable: that having occasion to see frequently the speaker,* he had also communicated them to him, as he found him very anxious for a reconciliation: that the speaker had said it would be very humiliating to Britain to be obliged to submit to such terms: but the doctor told him she had been unjust; and ought to bear the conse "The proposition in the former paper re-quences, and alter her conduct; that the pill lating to aids, is still in contemplation of the author, and, as he thinks, is included in the last article of the present paper. "The people of America, conceiving that parliament has no right to tax them, and that therefore all that has been extorted from them by the operation of the duty acts, with the assistance of an armed force, preceding the destruction of the tea, is so much injury, which ought in order of time to be first repaired, before a demand on the tea account can be justly made of them; are not, he thinks, likely to approve of the measure proposed, and pay in the first place the value demanded, especially as twenty times as much injury has since been done them by blocking up their port; and their castle also seized before by the crown, has not been restored, nor any satisfaction offered them for the same." At the meeting of parliament after the holidays, which was on the of January, (1775,) lord Howe returned to town, when we had another meeting, at which he lamented that my propositions were not such as probably could be accepted; intimated, that it was thought I had powers or instructions from the congress to make concessions on occasion that would be more satisfactory. I disclaimed the having any of any kind but what related to the presenting of their petition. We talked over all the particulars in my paper, which I supported with reasons; and finally said, that if what I had proposed would not do, I should be glad to hear what would do; I wished to see some propositions might be bitter, but it would be salutary, and must be swallowed: that these were the sentiments of impartial men, after thorough consideration and full information of all circumstances, and that sooner or later these or similar measures must be followed, or the empire would be divided and ruined: the doctor on the whole hoped some good would be effected by our endeavours. On the 19th of January, I received a card from lord Stanhope, acquainting me, that lord Chatham having a motion to make on the morrow in the house of lords, concerning America, greatly desired that I might be in the house, into which lord S. would endeavour to procure me admittance. At this time it was a rule of the house that no person could introduce more than one friend. The next morning, his lordship let me know by another card, that if I attended at two o'clock in the lobby, lord Chatham would be there about that time, and would himself introduce me. I attended, and met him there accordingly. On my mentioning to him what lord Stanhope had written to me, he said, " Certainly; and I shall do it with the more pleasure, as Í am sure your being present at this day's debate will be of more service to America than mine;" and so taking me by the arm, was leading me along the passage to the door that enters near the throne, when one of the doorkeepers followed and acquainted him, that by the order, none were to be carried in at that door, but the eldest sons or brothers of peers; on which he limped back with me to the door * Sir Fletcher Norton. near the bar, where were standing a number of gentlemen waiting for the peers who were to introduce them, and some peers waiting for friends they expected to introduce; among whom he delivered me to the doorkeepers, saying aloud, this is Dr. Franklin, whom I would have admitted into the house; when they readily opened the door for me accordingly. As it had not been publicly known, that there was any communication between his lordship and me, this I found occasioned some speculation. His appearance in the house, I observed, caused a kind of bustle among the officers, who were hurried in sending messengers for members, I suppose those in connection with the ministry, something of importance being expected when that great man appears; it being but seldom that his infirmities permit his attendance. I had great satisfaction in hearing his motion and the debate upon it, which I shall not attempt to give here an account of, as you may find a better in the papers of the time. It was his motion for withdrawing the troops from Boston, as the first step towards an accommodation. The day following, I received a note from lord Stanhope, expressing, that "at the desire of lord Chatham, was sent me inclosed, the motion he made in the house of lords, that I might be possessed of it in the most authentic manner, by the communication of the individual paper which was read to the house by the mover himself." I sent copies of this motion to America, and was the more pleased with it, as I conceived it had partly taken its rise from a hint I had given his lordship in a former conversation. It follows in these words. pressed me with the highest idea of him as a great and most able statesman. Lord Camden, another wonderfully good speaker and close reasoner, joined him in the same argument, as did several other lords, who spoke excellently well; but all availed no more than the whistling of the winds. This motion was rejected. Sixteen Scotch peers, and twenty-four bishops, with all the lords in possession or expectation of places, when they vote together unanimously, as they generally do for ministerial measures, make a dead majority that renders all debating ridiculous in itself, since it can answer no end. Full of the high esteem I had imbibed for lord Chatham, I wrote back to lord Stanhope the following note, viz.— "Dr. Franklin presents his best respects to lord Stanhope, with many thanks to his lordship and lord Chatham, for the communication of so authentic a copy of the motion. Dr. F. is filled with admiration of that truly great man. He has seen in the course of his life, sometimes eloquence without wisdom, and often wisdom without eloquence; in the present instance he sees both united, and both as he thinks, in the highest degree possible. "Craven street, Jan. 23, 1775." As in the course of the debate, some lords in the administration had observed, that it was common and easy to censure their measures, but those who did so proposed nothing better; lord Chatham mentioned that he should not be one of those idle censurers, that he had thought long and closely upon the subject, and proposed soon to lay before their lordships the result of his meditation, in a plan for healing our differences, and restoring peace to the empire, to which his present motion was preparatory: I much desired to know what his plan was, and intended waiting on him to see if he would communicate it to me; but he went the next morning to Hayes, and I was so much taken up with daily business and company, that I could not easily get out to him. A few days after, however, lord Mahon called on me, and told me lord Chatham was very desirous of seeing me; when I promised to be with him the Friday following, several engagements prevented my going sooner. On Friday the 27th, I took a postchaise about 9 o'clock, and got to Hayes about 11, but my attention being engaged in reading a new pamphlet, the postboy drove me a mile or two beyond the gate. His lordship I was quite charmed with lord Chatham's being out an airing in his chariot, had met me speech in support of his motion.* He im- before I reached Hayes, unobserved by me, * It was reported at the time, that his lordship had turned and followed me, and not finding me concluded his speech with the following remarkable there, concluded, as he had seen me reading, words. "If the ministers thus persevere in misadvising that I had passed by mistake, and sent a serand misleading the king, I will not say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects from his crown, vant after me. He expressed great pleasure but I will affirin, that they will make the crown not at my corning, and acquainted me, in a long trayed, but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone. conversation, with the outlines of his plan, Lord Chatham's Motion, January 20, 1775. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that, in order to open the way towards a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments and soften animosities there; and above all, for preventing in the mean time any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their town; it may graciously please his majesty, that immediate orders may be despatched to general Gage, for removing his majesty's forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigor of the season and other circumstances, indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, may render the same practicable." worth his wearing. I will not say that the king is be VOL L...Q 11 very day twelve months, that the ministry had taken so much pains to disgrace me before the privy council. I applied myself immediately to the reading and considering the plan, of which, when it was afterwards published, I sent you a copy, and therefore need not insert it here. I put down upon paper, as I went along, some parts of which he read to me. He said he had communicated it only to lord Camden, whose advice he much relied on, particularly in the law part; and that he would, as soon as he could get it transcribed, put it into my hands for my opinion and advice, but should show it to no other person before he presented it to the house; and he requested me to make no mention of it, otherwise parts might be mis-short memorandums for my future discourse understood and blown up beforehand, and others perhaps adopted and produced by ministers as their own. I promised the closest secrecy, and kept my word: not even mentioning to any one that I had seen him. I dined with him, his family only present, and returned to town in the evening. On the Sunday following, being the 29th, his lordship came to town, and called upon me in Craven street. He brought with him his plan transcribed, in the form of an act of parliament, which he put into my hands, requesting me to consider it carefully, and communicate to him such remarks upon it as should occur to me. His reason for desiring to give me that trouble, was, as he was pleased to say, that he knew no man so thoroughly acquainted with the subject, or so capable of giving advice upon it; that he thought the errors of ministers in American affairs, had been often owing to their not obtaining the best information: that therefore though he had considered the business tho roughly in all its parts, he was not so confident of his own judgment, but that he came to set it right by mine, as men set their watches by a regulator. He had not determined when he should produce it in the house of lords; but in the course of our conversation, considering the precarious situation of his health, and that if presenting it was delayed, some intelligence might arrive which would make it seem less seasonable, or in all parts not so proper; or the ministry might engage in different measures, and then say if you had produced your plan sooner, we might have attended to it, he concluded to offer it the Wednesday following; and therefore wished to see me upon it the preceding Tuesday, when he would again call upon me, unless I could conveniently come to Hayes. I chose the latter, in respect to his lordship, and because there was less likelihood of interruptions; and I promised to be with him early, that we might have more time. He staid with me near two hours, his equipage waiting at the door; and being there while people were coming from church, it was much taken notice of and talked of, as at that time was every little circumstance that men thought might possibly any way affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a inan, on so important a business, flattered not a little my vanity; and the honour of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happened on the with him upon it, which follow, that you may, if you please, compare them with the plan; and if you do so, you will see their drift and purpose, which otherwise would make me much writing to explain. Tuesday, Jan. 31st, 1775. Notes for discourse with lord Chatham on his plan. Voluntary grants and forced taxes, not to be expected of the same people at the same time. Permanent revenue will be objected to; would not a temporary agreement be best, suppose for 100 years? Does the whole of the rights claimed in the petition of rights relate to England only? The American naturalization act gives all the rights of natural born subjects to foreigners residing there seven years. Can it be supposed that the natives there have them not? If the king should raise armies in America, would Britain like their being brought hither! as the king might bring them when he pleased. An act of parliament requires the colonies to furnish sundry articles of provision and accommodation to troops quartered among them, this may be made very burdensome to colonies that are out of favour. If a permanent revenue, why not the same privileges in trade with Scotland? Should not the lands conquered by Britain and the colonies in conjunction, be given them, (reserving a quit-rent) whence they might form funds to enable them to pay. Instructions about agents to be withdrawn. Grants to be for three years, at the end of which a new congress and so from three to three years. Congress to have the general defence of the frontiers, making and regulating new settlements. Protection mutual. We go into all your wars. Our settlements cost you nothing. "Defence, extension, and prosperity of”The late Canada act prevents their extension, and may check their prosperity. Laws should be secure as well as charters. Perhaps if the legislative power of parliament is owned in the colonies, they may make a law to forbid the meeting of any congress, &c. I was at Hayes early on Tuesday, agree-known. This drew the eyes of many lords ably to my promise, when we entered into upon me: but as I had no inducement to take consideration of the plan; but though I staid it to myself, I kept my countenance as imnear four hours, his lordship, in the manner moveable as if my features had been made of of, I think, all eloquent persons, was so full wood. Then several other lords of the adand diffuse in supporting every particular I ministration gave their sentiments also for requestioned, that there was not time to go jecting it, of which opinion, also, was strongly through half my memorandums; he is not the wise lord Hillsborough; but the dukes of easily interrupted, and I had such pleasure in Richmond and Manchester, lord Shelburne, hearing him, that I found little inclination to lord Camden, lord Temple, lord Lyttleton and interrupt him; therefore, considering that nei- others, were for receiving it, some through ther of us had much expectation that the plan approbation, and others for the character and would be adopted entirely as it stood; that in dignity of the house. One lord mentioning, the course of its consideration, if it should be with applause, the candid proposal of one of received, proper alterations might be intro- the ministers, lord Dartmouth, his lordship duced; that before it would be settled, Ame- rose again, and said, that having since heard rica should have opportunity to make her ob- the opinions of so many lords against receivjections and propositions of amendment; that ing it to lie upon the table for consideration, to have it received at all here, it must seem he had altered his mind, could not accept the to comply a little with some of the prevailing praise offered him, for a candour of which he prejudices of the legislature; that if it was was now ashamed, and should therefore give not so perfect as might be wished, it would at his voice for rejecting the plan immediately. least serve as a basis for treaty, and in the | I am the more particular in this, as it is a mean time prevent mischiefs, and that as his trait of that nobleman's character, who, from lordship had determined to offer it the next his office, is supposed to have so great a share day, there was not time to make changes and in American affairs, but who has in reality no another fair copy. I therefore ceased my will or judgment of his own, being, with disquerying; and though afterwards many peo- positions for the best measures, easily prevailple were pleased to do me the honour of sup-ed with to join in the worst. Lord Chatham, posing I had a considerable share in composing in his reply to lord Sandwich, took notice of it, I assure you, that the addition of a single his illiberal insinuation, that the plan was not word only was made at my instance, viz. the person's who proposed it: declared that it "constitutions," after " charters;" for my fill- was entirely his own, a declaration he thought ing up, at his request, a blank, with the titles himself the more obliged to make, as many of acts proper to be repealed, which I took of their lordships appeared to have so mean from the proceedings of the congress, was no an opinion of it; for if it was so weak or so more than might have been done by any copy- bad a thing, it was proper in him to take care ing clerk. that no other person should unjustly share in the censure it deserved. That it had been heretofore reckoned his vice not to be apt to take advice; but he made no scruple to declare, that if he were the first minister of this country, and had the care of settling this momentous business, he should not be ashamed of publicly calling to his assistance, a person so perfectly acquainted with the whole of American affairs as the gentleman alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on; one, he was pleased to say, whom all Europe held in high estimation, for his knowledge and wisdom, and ranked with our Boyles and Newtons; who was an honour, not to the English nation only, but to human nature! I found it harder to stand this extravagant compliment, than the preceding equally extravagant abuse; but kept as well as I could an unconcerned countenance, as not conceiving it to relate to me. On Wednesday, lord Stanhope, at lord Chatham's request, called upon me, and carried me down to the house of lords, which was soon very full. Lord Chatham, in a most excellent speech, introduced, explained, and supported his plan. When he sat down, lord Dartmouth rose, and very properly said, it contained matter of such weight and magnitude as to require much consideration, and he therefore hoped the noble earl did not expect their lordships to decide upon it by an immediate vote, but would be willing it should lie upon the table for consideration. Lord Chatham answered readily, that he expected nothing more. But lord Sandwich rose, and in a petulant vehement speech, opposed its being received at all, and gave his opinion, that it ought to be immediately rejected, with the contempt it deserved; that he could never believe it to be the production of any British peer; that it appeared to him rather the work of some American; and, turning his face to- | wards me, who was leaning on the bar, said, he fancied he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever To hear so many of these hereditary legis lators declaiming so vehemently against, not the adopting merely, but even the consideration of a proposal so important in its nature, offered by a person of so weighty a character, one of the first statesmen of the age, who had |