a

e Greville Memoirs (Second Part): Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852. By the late Charles C. F. Greville. 3 vols. (Longmans & Co.) ZADERS who expect to find in the second stalment of The Greville Memoirs,' which r. Henry Reeve, as the writer's literary ecutor, has now issued, so many and such icy bits of scandal as the previous three lumes contained will be disappointed. Mr. Reeve points out, the English urt and the political and social life und it were much cleanlier during the lier years of Queen Victoria's reign than y were under her uncles, so that Charles eville had much less temptation to ord ugly facts or gossip. Mr. Reeve, reover, has discreetly used his privilege an editor and withheld some portions of manuscript left in his hands, vaguely omising that they may be inserted in some ure edition, after the example set in the blication of Clarendon's, Burnet's, Saint non's, and other plain-speaking diarists' nains. "It must not be supposed, hower," he says,

hat the passages which are omitted in this tion contain anything which it would be ught discreditable for the Author to have itten or for the Editor to publish, or that they > of considerable extent or importance. These ssages are simply withheld at the present time im motives of delicacy to persons still alive,

to their immediate descendants." r. Reeve is to be congratulated on the udence and good taste he has shown; id it must be added that there is quite ough candid chronicling and sharp critism in these volumes to make them amusing ren to those who do not read them espeally for the solid information they contain ad the valuable side-lights they throw on le personal and general history of the time. The new series opens with the accession Queen Victoria, or rather with the death f William IV., and such shrewd, caustic eflections as the writer might be expected

O make on the character and conduct of the

ate king, on the unreal pomp of his funeral,

great deal more at first hand. His anecdotes and comments about the young Queen, however, are by no means profuse. There are some new touches in the following little scene, though it has been described at much greater length elsewhere:

"On the morning of the King's death, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Conyngham arrived at Kensington at five o'clock, and immediately desired to see 'the Queen.' They were ushered into an apartment, and in a few minutes the door opened and she came in wrapped in a dressing-gown and with slippers on her naked feet. Conyngham in a few words told her their errand, and as soon as he uttered the words 'Your Majesty,' she instantly put out her hand to him, intimating that he was to kiss hands before he proceeded. He dropped on one knee, | kissed her hand, and then went on to tell her of the late King's death. She presented her hand to the Archbishop, who likewise kissed it, and when he had done so, addressed to her a sort of pastoral charge, which she received graciously and then retired."

Of the intelligence and energy with which the Queen entered on her new stage of life done :Greville spoke as highly as others have

"She is upon terms of the greatest cordiality with Lord Melbourne, and very naturally. Everything is new and delightful to her. She is surrounded with the most exciting and interesting enjoyments; her occupations, her pleasures, her business, her Court, all present an unceasing round of gratifications. With all spirits, and enters into the magnificent novelties her prudence and discretion she has great animal of her position with the zest and curiosity of a child. No man is more formed to ingratiate himself with her than Melbourne. He treats

It is not

her with unbounded consideration and respect, he consults her tastes and her wishes, and he puts her at her ease by his frank and natural manners, while he amuses her by the quaint, queer, epigrammatic turn of his mind, and his therefore surprising that she should be well convaried knowledge upon all subjects. tent with her present Government, and that during the progress of the elections she should have testified great interest in the success of the Whig candidates. Her reliance upon Melbourne's advice extends at present to subjects quite beside his constitutional functions, for the other day somebody asked her permission to dedicate some novel to her, when she said she did not like to grant the permission without knowing the contents of the work, and she desired Melbourne to read the book and let her know if it was fit that she should accept the dedication. read the first volume, but found it so dull that he would not read any more, and sent her word that she had better refuse, which she accordingly

did."

Melbourne

Greville's account of his own experiences of the comparatively easy life at Windsor, with much less strictness of etiquette than later visitors complain of, is interesting; but he shared the feeling of alarm, if not of jealousy, with which most Whigs as well as Tories regarded the unparalleled favour shown to Lord Melbourne: :

various attendants, and does everything that is "While she personally gives her orders to her civil to all the inmates of the Castle, she really has nothing to do with anybody but Melbourne, and with him she passes (if not in tête-à-tête yet in intimate communication) more hours than any two people, in any relation of life, perhaps ever do pass together besides. He is at her side

His

of those rules of etiquette which it is better to observe with regularity at Court. But it is more peculiarly inexpedient with reference to her own future enjoyment, for if Melbourne should be compelled to resign, her privation will be the more bitter on account of the exclusiveness of her intimacy with him. Accordingly, her terror when any danger menaces the Government, her nervous apprehension at any appearance of change, affect her health, and upon one occasion during the last session she actually fretted herself into an illness at the notion of their going out. It must be owned that her feelings are not unnatural, any more than those which Melbourne entertains towards her. manner to her is perfect, always respectful, and never presuming upon the extraordinary distinction he enjoys; hers to him is simple and natural, indicative of the confidence she reposes in him, and of her lively taste for his society, but not marked by any unbecoming familiarity. Interesting as his position is, and flattered, gratified, and touched as he must be by the confiding devotion with which she places herself in his hands, it is still marvellous that he should be able to overcome the force of habit 80 completely as to endure the life he leads. Month after month he remains at the Castle, submitting to this daily routine: of all men he appeared to be the last to be broken in to the trammels of a Court, and never was such a revolution seen in anybody's occupations and habits. Instead of indolently sprawling in all the attitudes of luxurious ease, he is always sitting bolt upright; his free and easy language interlarded with damns' is carefully guarded and regulated with the strictest propriety, and he has exchanged the good talk of Holland House for the trivial, laboured, and wearisome inanities of the Royal circle."

The force of the objections to Melbourne's overwhelming influence at Court which were urged by many who fully recognized the value of the guidance given by the courtierstatesman to his young mistress was apparent when the great Bedchamber Difficulty blocked the way to Sir Robert Peel's succession to the premiership. This question may be studied in all its details and all its bearings in Greville's ample notes on the subject, which show very clearly how grave were the constitutional issues involved in it. Melbourne and the Whigs really encouraged the Queen in a line of action which, had she been less cautious, might have had serious consequences, and thereby Peel and the Tories were led to be champions of the constitutional government and popular rights which were supposed to be specially dear to their political opponents. Indeed, long after Peel himself had taken office, and the bedchamber question itself had been amicably settled, the prejudice against Conservatism which lasted at Court, and the sympathy which some of its leaders obtained in consequence among the agitators of that day, may be considered to have helped on the growth of the peculiar political movement that, nearly half a century ago, and even before the Young England party took shape, was known as Tory democracy.

Greville's journals contain less than might have been looked for about the Queen's marriage and the consequent share taken by Prince Albert in the management of public affairs. This is hardly to be regretted, however, as so much on these sub

ut amounting to a revolution in courtly rangements-which ensued. As clerk to e Privy Council, of course, Greville saw uch with his own eyes, and heard of a

morning, two on horseback, one at dinner, and two in the evening. This monopoly is certainly not judicious; it is not altogether consistent with social usage, and it leads to an infraction

direct royal sanction, by Sir Theodore Martin. This is neatly told :

"The Queen wrote to all her family and announced her marriage to them. When she saw

The same talk went merrily round, the laugh rang loudly and frequently, and, but for the black and the mob-cap of the lady, one might have fancied he had never lived or had died half a century ago. Such are, however, affections and friendships, and such is the world. Macaulay dined there, and I never was more struck than upon this occasion by the inexhaustible variety and extent of his information. He is not so agreeable as such powers and resources ought to make any man, because the vessel out of which it is all poured forth is so ungraceful and uncouth; nis voice unmusical and monotonous, his face lull, no fire in his eye, no intelligence playing ound his mouth, nothing which bespeaks the enius and learning stored within and which urst out with such extraordinary force. It is npossible to mention any book in any language ith which he is not familiar; to touch upon ay subject, whether relating to persons or ings, on which he does not know everything at is to be known. And if he could tread less eavily on the ground, if he could touch the bjects he handles with a lighter hand, if he new when to stop as well as he knows what to y, his talk would be as attractive as it is onderful. What Henry Taylor said of him is igrammatic and true, that his memory has "amped his mind'; and though I do not think, some people say, that his own opinions are mpletely suppressed by the load of his learning that you know nothing of his mind, it appears me true that there is less of originality in n, less exhibition of his own character, than re probably would be if he was less abundantly

red with the riches of the minds of others." About Macaulay several interesting anectes are here given, and Greville evidently ne to think more highly of him as their quaintance grew; but of literary men eville saw much less than of politicians, 1 the comparatively few notes he makes cerning plebeian affairs, or even the ntry places in which he occasionally took iday, are not important. For pastime he ferred the turf to anything else, and the ries thereupon in his diary, though not merous, give curious illustration of one e of his character.

The first of these volumes, having more the flavour of the former series, is livelier ding than the others, and, except for he brilliant passages, the interest lessens the narrative proceeds. It is to be hoped, rever, that Mr. Reeve will lose no time bringing out the journals for nine years re, coming down to 1860, which are still

his hands.

Oldest Church Manual, called the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, didax Tv Súdeka ἀποστόλων. ROOTólov. The Didache and Kindred Documents in the Original, with Translations and Facsimiles of the Jerusalem Manuscript, &c. LL.D. (Edinburgh, Clark.) By P. Schaff, D.D., E literature of the ancient treatise 'Diche' increases, though the subject is all

t exhausted. Almost as soon as the little rk was published by Bryennios it was ried under a heap of commentaries. The trinsic value of the document scarcely stifies the amount of writing it has called rth, particularly in America and England. That stimulated the zeal of theologians was e apparent antiquity of the ' Didache,' and uch gain to their knowledge of apostolic post-apostolic times was naturally exected. An examination of the treatise, owever, has not justified these hopes.

Even when it was thrown back into the first century by hasty writers, its contribution to the theology of the period proved inconsiderable. It was seen to afford no light upon the formation of the New Testament canon, and to contribute no data toward the authorship of the books composing the canon. Neither did it settle the Johannine origin of the fourth Gospel. The doctrine of inspiration was not affected by it. Paulinism was passed over. than dogmatical in tone, touching upon It proved to be moral rather customs and conduct, the rites and administration of early churches, without asserting a distinctive theology.

The volume before us is bulky. Thirtythree chapters discuss the nature, aim, and contents of the 'Didache,' after which it is given in Greek and English, with explanatory notes. work discovered by De Gebhardt, the porThe Latin fragment of the tions of the Epistle of St. Barnabas similar to certain chapters of the Didache,' the parallels of Hermas to the same, the Ecclesiastical Canons of the Holy Apostles, the Apostolical Constitutions or Coptic Church order, and the seventh book of the Apostolical Constitutions of the pseudo-Clement of Rome follow in succession, all carefully edited. The volume, extending to three hundred large octavo pages, is the most copious edition of the Didache' which has yet appeared, even exceeding Harnack's.

The industry of the author is unusual. It is true that he comes after a host of editions and monographs, so that he has only had to gather up the scattered information conveyed in them; but he has compiled his book with judgment, and given an independent opinion upon the points suggested by the Didache.' The volume is a monument of comprehensive knowledge and careful elaboration. Like all Dr. Schaff's books, it is characterized by the extensive erudition which a laborious German scholar may be supposed to possess. His critical power, however, is small; and orthodox theories are a little too prominent.

Of the chapters on the 'Didache,' the best are the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth, on baptism and immersion; and the twentyfifth, on its style and vocabulary. of government in the early churches, are twentieth and twenty-first, on the forms also good. The eleventh, on the theology

6

The

fourth Gospel and the other Johannine writings is insufficient. Nothing is better established than the fact that the Pauline epistles and the Johannine compositions are wholly ignored. Hence the quotations from Scripture and allusions given in pp. 94, 95, as far as those from the New Testament are concerned, are misleading.

There are three difficult passages in the 'Teaching of the Twelve Apostles,' to which the reader will immediately turn to see if a more satisfactory explanation of them be given than preceding commentaries afford. The first of these occurs in the eleventh chapter, where it is said "every approved true prophet, who makes assemblies for a wordly mystery (Tov eis μvoτýpiov korμikòv kкAnorías)," &c. After giving seven different opinions Dr. Schaff suggests two others, probability, remarking, however, that the which are not recommended by any inherent explanation of Bryennios is the least objectionable.

In the sixteenth chapter the 'Didache' says: "They who endured in their faith shall be saved under the curse itself." Here, again, the note gives no satisfaction. The reading Toû Karabéμaros, not in' avrovi .e., from the seems corrupt, and should be an' avrov curse itself, meaning the fiery trial or purgatorial fire.

In the ninth chapter it is said: "We give thanks to thee our Father for the holy vine Schaff the vine is a mystic name of Christ, of David thy servant," &c. According to Dr. suggested by the parable of the vine in

John xv. 1.

rejected. Rather is the vine the Church. This interpretation must be No suggestion arising from the fourth Gospel lies in the word.

The commentator's allusions to Ebionism his notions on the subject are hazy, which are not often happy, and it is apparent that Krawutzcky. It is an incorrect statement accounts for various unjust remarks against already rampant in the age of Trajan and that Ebionism, as a specific heresy, was The note on "the resurrection of the dead" Hadrian, and it is contrary to Hegesippus. in the last chapter of the Didache' is weak and shuffling.

every matter that relates to Newcastle between the years 1501 and 1580.

A considerable portion of the volume consists of abstracts of the wills of townsmen. They are very interesting for genealogical purposes, and now and then throw light on old customs, secular and religious. In 1502 John Hedworth desires to be buried in the porch of the Virgin in All Saints' Church, and that ten trentals of masses should be said in "the aforesaid porch." We suppose that there is not much doubt that "porch here means chapel or chantry. In 1541 we come upon a curious testamentary method of preventing a law-suit which might otherwise have taken place after the death of Peter Chator, merchant. A clause in his will runs as follows:

'Whereas much good amity and love hath been betwixt James Lawson, master mayor of Newcastle, and me, and divers reckonings hanging, not yet clearly finished, so that I think, so nigh as my conscience doth serve me, I am indebted to him 41. or some more, at the most it passeth not 51.; and in contentation and payment of the said sum, and most partly for the good love I bear towards him, I give him my best gown, faced throughout with marterons." "Marterons were, we apprehend, the fur of the marten. In 1531 occurs the solitary instance, so far as Mr. Welford knows, of a Newcastle man who, before the breach with Rome, had rejected the medieval form of Christianity. His name was Roger Dichaunte, and he is described as a merchant. His opinions have nothing to distinguish them from the popular teaching of the more advanced of the English reformers except that he held "that man hath no free-will, but all things be done by necessity, so that it is not in the power of man to do good, or to eschew evil." "A"merchant" in those days often meant, as it now does in Eastern stories, a man who went personally to trade in foreign lands. Dichaunte may have come in contact with Anabaptist teachers and imbibed their notions of fatal

ism.

His convictions did not lead him to martyrdom, as our knowledge of him and the things he believed is derived from a solemn abjuration made by him before Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall in the chapel of Bishop Auckland.

The most interesting document in the volume is a paper which forms an almost complete directory of the townsmen in 1539. It is a muster of all the male population capable of bearing arms, classed under their wards. From this list it is calculated by one authority that the whole population of the town was but 5,485. Another expert gives the number as 9,535. The latter figures seem the more likely to be correct.

We do not find so many proofs of the savagery of the border folk as we should have looked for. No doubt life in the sixteenth century was much more peace

ful and civilized in the great town than in the villages far away from any authority save that of some great noble. Instances are, however, forthcoming which show that the men of those days wanted but little encouragement from those in authority to stir them up to outrage. In 1518 the Chancellor of the diocese writes to the Bishop of Durham, reporting that Lord Lumley had

caused six of his servants to cut off the ears

of a poor man. What the sufferer had done

to draw down on him this vengeance we are not told. The Chancellor hopes that the criminals may be indicted at the next sessions.

Among some interesting presentments at an archiepiscopal visitation early in the century we find that in Gateshead parish church the font was broken and the lock wanting. Order was given for the font to be mended, and a new lock provided before Christmas. By a council held at Durham in 1220 it was provided that fonts were to be kept locked 'propter sortilegia." It seems from this and other evidence that foolish people were in the habit of carrying away the water provided for baptism that they might use it in magical rites. It is well known to archæologists that almost all our medieval fonts show signs of the places where the hinges and staple for the lock have been.

Kalilah and Dimnah, or the Fables of Bidpai: being an Account of their Literary History. With an English Translation of the Later Syriac Version of the Same and Notes by I. G. N. Keith-Falconer. (Cambridge, University Press.)

PROF. WRIGHT's recent edition (Trübner & Co.) of the later Syriac version of the fables of Bidpai, made from the Arabic in the tenth or eleventh century, has found an able translator in Mr. Keith-Falconer, who has acquitted himself of this by no means easy task in a manner creditable alike to his own sound scholarship and the excellent teaching of his distinguished master. The text, printed from a single inaccurate and often defective MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, left a wide scope for conjectural emendations, and although a great number of them had been supplied already by Profs. Wright and Nöldeke, there was still a good deal left to the critical judgment of the translator, and the elaborate notes and corrections on pp. 269312 are sufficient proof of the judicious way in which he has discharged his duty in that respect. His conjectures are based for the greater part on the other versions, viz., Bickell's edition of the old Syriac text of Kalilag and Dimnag' (a direct descendant of the Pehlevi), De Sacy's Arabic edition, and Guidi's extremely valuable 'Studii sul Testo Arabo del Libro di Calila e Dimna,' which contain numerous portions of Ibn-alMoqaffa's original paraphrase, missing in De Sacy's text, but nearly all found in this later Syriac version. From the same sources most of the lost passages have been supplied. A further instalment of textual emendations from M. Duval's notice in the Revue Critique and Prof. Nöldeke's review in the Göttingische Gelherte Anzeigen, which appeared too late to be incorporated in the author's own notes, is given partly in the preface on p. viii, partly at the end on p. 313. The beginner in Syriac, therefore, will find in this translation the greatest possible amount of instruction and help for mastering the contents of Prof. Wright's edition, with the additional advantage that his first steps into the labyrinth of a new language will not lead him, as is commonly the case with Syriac texts, through utterly dry and tedious matter, but, on the contrary, through a series of tales almost unequalled in intrinsic interest by any similar collection in

the East or West. To the student of folklore who is unacquainted with Semitic languages it will prove equally useful, if not altogether indispensable; and even the professional Orientalist will be greatly indebted to Mr. Keith-Falconer for his lucid account of the literary history and bibliography of this renowned collection of fables. In the Introduction (pp. xiii-lxxxvi) not only are the results of De Sacy's, Benfey's, Nöldeke's, and Derenbourg's labours carefully summed up, but a considerable stock of altogether fresh information is added, thus presenting a complete survey of all the important links in the great chain of migration through which the book of Kalilah and Dimnah' has passed since it first was brought from India into the Sassanian realm. To the Persian and Turkish versions, however, a few additions can be made. Nasrullah's Persian translation (which, by the way, was not composed before A.H. 538, A.D. 1143, as Rieu in his Catalogue,' vol. ii. p. 746, has conclusively shown) was put into metrical form by Ahmad bin Mahmud at - Tūsī with the takhallus Kani'ī about A.H. 658, A.D. 1260 (see Rieu, ii. 582-584), and produced besides five distinct Turkish versions, two of which at least (if not all) were prior to the Humayunnama' of 'Ali Chelebi (died AE. 950, A.D. 1543), the only Turkish adaptation mentioned in the Introduction. The oldest of them was made by a certain Mas'ud fer Umürbeg (died A.H. 750, A.D. 1349), in the reign of Sultan Urkhan, about two hundred years before the 'Humayunnāma,' and was -a most curious thing-retranslated into Persian by Hakwirdī, the friend of Olearius, during his stay at Leyden in 1642. A copy of Mas'ud's version and the autograph of Hakwirdi are preserved in the Bodleian Library, Marsh. 180 and 455. An unfinished poetical paraphrase, based on Mas'ud's text and dedicated to Sultan Murad (a.h. 761-792, a.d. 1360–1390), i found in the Ducal Library at Goth (Turkish MSS., No. 189). The other thre Turkish versions are a later Osmanli on made before A.H. 955, A.D. 1548 (Bodleia Library, Marsh. 61), and two in the Easter or Chaghatai idiom (Dresden Cat.,' N 136, and Munich Cat., p. 54). Furth details about these Turkish translations wi be found in Dr. Ethé's paper (briefly notic by Mr. Keith-Falconer on p. lxxxiv) in t forthcoming second part of the Transactio of the Leyden Congress. Some hither unknown Hindustani versions of Kalil and Dimnah' are preserved in the Ind Office Library, Nos. 1536, 1542, and 207 the same library contains in No. 3186 ( included in Loth's Arabic Catalogue) interesting and in many respects qu peculiar copy of Ibn-al-Moqaffa's Aral translation.