instant the man fell dead. Thereupon the big man seized the axe, and after examining it for a moment, he hurled it as far as he could out into the sea. Then they fled helter-skelter into the woods, and thus their intercourse came to an end. Karlsefni and his party remained there throughout the winter, but in the spring Karlsefni announces that he is not minded to remain there longer, but will return to Greenland. They now made ready for the voyage, and carried away with them much booty in vines, and grapes, and peltries. They sailed out upon the high seas, and brought their ship safely to Ericsfirth, where they remained during the winter. AMERICAN HISTORY LEAFLETS. COLONIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL. EDITED BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART AND EDWARD CHANNING, OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY. The titles selected for the first year's issue are as follows: 1-The Letter of Columbus to Santangel Announcing his Discovery. 3-The Ostend Manifesto. 1854. 3-Extracts from the Sagas describing the Voyages of Biarni, Leif Ericsson, Thorvald Ericsson, Thorfinn Karlsefni. 4-Extracts from Official Declarations of the United States embodying the Monroe Doctrine. 1789-1891. 5-The King's Proclamation and other Documents relating to the Treaty of 1763. 6— Extracts from papers relating to the Bering Sea Controversy. 18241891 (double number). Published bi-monthly in the months of January, March, May, July, September and November. A. LOVELL & CO., PUBlishers, 3 East 14th Street, New York. PRICE, 10 CENTS. Published Bi-Monthly. Annual Subscription, 60 Cents. American COLONIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL. EDITED BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART AND EDWARD CHANNING OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY, NO. 4. JULY, 1892. EXTRACTS FROM OFFICIAL DECLARATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES EMBODYING THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 1789-1891. NEW YORK A. LOVELL & COMPANY 1892 Entered at the New York Post Office as second class matter. COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY A. LOVELL & COMPANY. HISTORY, AND SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. Handbook of Dates. By HENRY CLINTON BROWN. 12 mo. Cloth. viii+182 pp. Price..... .$1 00 Arranged alphabetically and chronologically, comprising all the important events from the earliest ages to within the present decade. The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion. 75 ..I OO It advocates the adoption and maintenance of an economic system suited to American conditions, while at the same time recognizing at their full value commercial and industrial relations with foreign nations. The principles advanced are re-enforced by citations from our national history. The Eight Hours Day. By SIDNEY WEBB and HAROLD Cox. ..... 12 mo. viii+280 pp. Paper covers. Civics for Young Americans. By WM. M. GIFFIN. Large 12 mo. ...... The author shows in a strikingly novel and interesting way, and in language intelligible to a ten-year-old boy, the necessity of government, the different forms of government and the advantages of our government over all others. Civil Government. By R. E. CLEMENT. 232 pp. Price.... 50 50 12 mo. Cloth. xiv+ 84 A brief and lucid treatise on the Federal Constitution, and the Colonial, Revolutionary and Confederate Governments which preceded it. English Political Orations from Wentworth to Macaulay. Edited, with Introduction, by WILLIAM CLArke. 12 mo. xvi+312 pp. Cloth, uncut, price, 40 cents; red roan, $1.25; half morc., g. t..I 50 Great speeches on great themes by famous English statesmen. The selection covers a period from 1576 to 1831. For sale by all booksellers, or sent by mail, postpaid, on receipt of the price. A. LOVELL & CO., PUBLISHERS, 521 Wabash Ave., Chicago. 3 East 14th Street, New York. Entered at the New York Postoffice as second-class matter. PRECISELY what is meant by the Monroe Doctrine is still a matter of discussion by historians and publicists; it is a system or principle which is to guide the United States in her relations with other American powers, and to determine her policy in questions relative to America arising with European powers. The doctrine has been formulated chiefly by the Presidents in public addresses or messages, or through despatches of the Secretary of State; hence it has been very differently stated at various times. In a few cases a part of the doctrine has been included in treaties, but no such treaty has ever been ratified by the Senate. The House of Representatives has at various times passed declaratory resolutions setting forth some phase of the doctrine. The foundation of the Monroe Doctrine is the principle that the United States has no part in European international politics, but should keep out of " entangling alliances." In 1823, the attempt of Russia to 66 colonize a part of the region then called Oregon, and the threat that foreign powers would assist Spain to recover her revolted American colonies led to a declaration by Monroe, which is the first distinct assertion of the doctrine by a President. That part which related to colonization was later appealed to, as a reason for opposing foreign acquisition of Texas, Cuba and Mexico. The part relative to the European political system' " has sometimes been construed to mean that the United States was bound to protect American powers from foreign attack. By an extension of the doctrine beyond any statement of Monroe's it has been held to give the United States a kind of protectorate over other American powers, such as justified interference in case of war between two of our neighbors. The doctrine has also been invoked as asserting for the United States a paramount interest in and right to control, an interoceanic canal. In ts extreme form the doctrine has sometimes been stated to be that it was "manifest destiny that the whole continent of North America should fall to the United States. The best discussions of the Monroe Doctrine are; George F. Tucker, The Monroe Doctrine, (Boston, 1885); Francis Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the United States, (Washington, 1886), §§. 57-61, 72; Richard H. Dana, Wheaton's Elements of International Law, (Boston, 1866), notes to pp. 97-112. 1787. HAMILTON IN THE FŒDERALIST. In the prosecution of military operations in the West Indies, it will readily be perceived, that a situation so favorable would enable us to bargain with great advantage for commercial privileges. A price would be set, not only upon our friendship, but upon our neutrality. By a steady adherence to the Union, we may hope, erelong, to become the Arbiter of Europe in America; and to be able to incline the balance of European competitions in this part of the world, as our interest may dictate. But in the reverse of this eligible situation, we shall discover, that the rivalships of the parts would make them checks upon each other and would frustrate all the tempting advantages which nature has kindly placed within our reach. In a state so insignificant, our commerce would be a prey to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations at war with each other; who, having nothing to fear from us, would, with little scruple or remorse, supply their wants by depredations on our property, as often as it fell in their way. The rights of neutrality will only be respected, when they are defended by an adequate power. A nation, despicable by its weakness, forfeits even the privilege of being neutral. Under a vigorous National Government, the natural |