character, determined to make an early discovery of the degree of reliance and value which was to be placed on the faith and the friendship of his new ally. He accordingly, on the commencement of a war with the Marattas, which immediately after broke out, wrote a letter to the governor of Madras, requiring that, confiftently with the friendship and regard fubfifting between them, and for the good appearance thereof in the eyes of the world, he would, for form's fake, fend an officer with a battalion of feapoys to his affiftance. A compliance with this requifition was evaded, under the apprehenfion of a war with the Marattas, as another propofition made by Hyder at the fame time was, upon the ground of impropriety in adopting a measure of confequence without confulting the other prefiden cies. Before the war had continued quite a year, the Marattas having broken upon different fides into Hyder's dominions, and taken feveral of his forts, he wrote another letter to Madras in the beginning of March 1770, in which he ftated, that in confideration of the union between them, his army and artillery were their own; that notwithstanding he had a right to confider theirs in the fame light, yet, if they would only fend a fmall force to join and act in concert with him, in order to maintain the appearance of connexion, he would require no more. But, at the fame time, the British agents in Hyder's camp informed the prefidency, that he was very earneft in his defire of a more effective aid than what he mentioned in his letter, and that he had commif fioned them to acquaint the governor and council, that as he fhould, on his part, punctually maintain the ftrict friendship between them, he expected they would, in conformity thereto, fupply him with a body of troops; and that he was even willing to pay a specified fum of money to defray the expence of their fervice, in order to obviate any failure of the performance on their fide. Thefe gentlemen, from themselves remarked, that if this requifition was not complied with, they much feared that Hyder's former indifpofition to the Company would again return. Thefe applications produced no more effect at Madras than the former. The Marattas, under the conduct of Madai Row, fo totally overpowered Hyder in this war, that his ruin was deemed inevitable. Unable to face them in the field, they were mafters of all the open country; and his strongest fortreffes were barely capable of af fording refuge and protection to his troops. Thus fhut up, and all cultivation at an end in his dominions, it feemed evident, that however excellently his magazines were provided, famine muft foon accomplish what the want of infantry and a good artillery had hitherto prevented the Marattas from effecting. In this ftate of neceffity and danger, Hyder, of courfe, made repeated applications to his new allies for the performance of their engagements; ftating the advantages to be derived from their alliance with him, and strongly urging the danger, if not ruin, to themselves and to the whole peninfula, which the fuccefs of the Marattas, in the accomplishment compliment of their an.bitious views upon him, would inevitably produce. Various pretences for a non-compliance with thefe requifitions were ftill found; and it appears upon the whole, that evafion and procraftination were the only principles of conduct adopted with refpect to Hyder Ally at Madras. It is not impoffible that the influence which the Nabob of Arcot poffeffed in that prefidency, and the inveterate perfonal animofity which he bore to Hyder Ally, might have had no fmall effect with respect to this conduct. It is certain, that the nabob at all times urged an alliance with the Marattas against Hyder. The fortune of Hyder Ally at length triumphed over all his dan gers and enemies. It feems probable, that the declining health of Madai Row contributed to fave him from deftruction; and that the anxious folicitude of that chief to leave his young brother Narrain in a state of foreign as well as domestic tranquillity, was what enabled Hyder to obtain a peace upon tolerable terms, and without the intervention of friend or ally, in the month of July 1772. The fubfequent diffentions and troubles of the Marattas, together with the war in which they were unexpectedly involved with Bombay, afforded an opportunity to Hyder, not only to recover all the territories which he had given up by the peace, but greatly to increase his power and dominion by new conquefts. It cannot be fuppofed, after that failure, if not breach of public engagement and faith, which Hyder had experienced in the hour of danger, that he could again look with friend fhip or cordiality to Madras. He was, however, too good a statesman to declare his fentiments wantonly; and ftill preferved a civil but cool intercourse. In this ftate of things he naturally fell in with France, by whom he was liberally fupplied with artil lery, arms, ammunition, and all thofe military neceffaries which enabled him in a very fhort time to renew the war with fo much fuccefs and advantage against the Marattas. That politic nation faw the infinite advantage that might be derived from his friendfhip in their future designs upon the Carnatic. Their officers were permitted, if not encouraged, to enter into his service; to train his armies, and to form a powerful artillery upon the European model. Thefe opportunities of advantage were not loft upon him, who was indefatigable in the procefs and completion of that military fyftem which was to render him the most formidable prince in India. As the conduct at Madras had thus facrificed the friendship and alliance of Hyder Ally, fo Bombay was no less fuccefsful in establifhing the enmity of the Ma rattas. A man of Ragonaut Row's character could not be fuppofed flack in making any conceffions, however difhonourable or ruinous to his country, which could tend to the restoration of his power. Bombay was dazzled by the fplendid idea of naming a fovereign for the great nation of the Marattas; and nothing could be more flattering than the expectation of that fovereign's being their own immediate inftrument and vaffal. By the treaty with Ragonaut Row, befides The Marattas were already fo much incensed at the afylum afforded to Ragonaut Row, and ftill more at the affumed interference in their private and family difputes, that they could not fail of an equal promptitude for the encounter. Sudden invasion, however, gave great advantages to Bombay; and the operations of the war being in the beginning confined to the fea-coafts, they derived no lefs from the prompt fervice of their marine and artillery. The fiege of Baroach was diftinguifhed by the fall of that brave and excellent officer, Col, Wedderburne: a lofs fo feverely felt by the Company, that it may well be queftioned, whether the conquefts made in the war were to be confidered in any degree as an equivalent. The exceffes committed on the taking of that rich city, tarnished the glory which the valour difplayed by the troops would otherwife have merited. The island of Salfette, after a brave defence, was afterwards reduced, but with confiderable lofs. The Bombay marine was highly diftinguifhed on this occafion, and had a principal fhare in the fuccefs. Other ac quifitions were afterwards made on the contineat; but the army, under the command of Colonel Keating, extending its operations too far inland, was defeated by the Marattas. Upon the new powers granted by parliament to the government of Bengal, and the arrival of the three gentlemen from England, in October 1774, who were to complete and give energy to the fupreme council, a confiderable change took place for fome time in the affairs of India. The newlyarrived gentlemen totally reprobated the Maratta war, as well as fome others which had been lately conducted in other parts; and as totally condemned the conduct of Bombay, as well with refpect to the nature of the measure as to their adopting it without the participation or counfel of the prefidency of Calcutta. The treaty with Ragobah was not only condemned, but difavowed; and Col. Upton was fent across the continent of India to Poonah, in order to negociate an honourable peace, and a renewal of friendship with the Marattas. Col. Upton was five months on his journey to Poonah, during which he traverfed feveral of the interior countries of India, which had been hitherto untrodden by Europeans. We fhould have obferved, that the birth of a pofthumous fon to Narrain Row, had fruftrated the defign of Ragonaut, in endeavouring to extinguish his brother's line. The infant was immediately declared Paifhwa; and Saccarum Pundit, with Nana Fur nefe, were appointed acting minif ters and regents, to conduct the public business in his name. In the 1 the mean time, the industry of the agents from Ragonaut and Bombay, operating upon the ambitious views, and perfonal jealoufies or diffatisfactions of the grandees, kept the government in a conftant ferment, and rendered languid, or entirely baffled, the neceffary exertions against their foreign enemies. Though the immediate refentments of the Marattas at first raised difficulties in Upton's negociation, yet, torn to pieces as they were by factions at home, and oppreffed on all fides by enemies abroad, he had the fortune to conclude a peace with them, on terms fo honourable and advan tageous to the Company, as feems fcarcely to be accounted for even by thefe circumftances. The treaty of Poonah, otherwife called the Poorunder, was ratified on the first of March, 1776. By this treaty, the island of Salfette, with the territory of Baroach, and fome other districts in the Guzerat provinces, were not only ceded in perpetuity to the Company, but the Marattas agreed to indemnify the authors of the war from its expences, by the payment of about 150,000l. at fixed terms; and for the fecurity of which, lands to a much greater value were affigned in mortgage. They farther agreed to affign a fixed provifion, fuitable to his rank, and even pretenfions, but as a private member of the community, for the fupport of Ragonaut Row; who was in return immediately to quit Bombay, and to fix his future refidence in a remote part of the Maratta dominions, where distance and fituation would be fome bar to his interfering in the affairs of govern ment. On the other hand, it was contracted on the fide of the Company, that no protection or affiftance whatever fhould in future be given, either to Ragonaut Row, or to any other fubject or fervant of the Maratta ftate, who fhould attempt to excite difturbance or rebellion in their dominions. After conceffions fo exceedingly advantageous and flattering to the Company, and which evidently proceeded from a defire of cementing friendflip and good-will, rather than from any abfolute weaknefs or diftrefs, the Marattas feemed to have a right to expect peace, good faith, and good neighbourhood, at leaft, in return. But the affairs of India were doomed foon to undergo another change, and to affume a new alpect. The three gentlemen who had arrived from England to fill up the fuperintending government of Bengal, and who, along with the governor-general, and another old member of that prefidency, compofed the fupreme council of India, differed almost entirely with the two latter, in their opinions relative to public conduct, and their ideas of the policy to be pursued by the Company. Peace with the country powers, along with an inviolable obfervation of public faith, and a strict attention to juftice in all tranfactions with the natives, feemed to be the principles of their fyftem of government. Great heats arofe, and frequent differences prevailed in the council; but the new members forming a majority, were for a time enabled to carry all queftions. The death of Colonel Monfon in 1776, and of General Claver ing in the following year, totally changed changed this state of affairs. New pretended to be, afraid to truft measures and new fyftems of policy were adopted, and the old exploded or done away, with a contempt and eagernefs fuited to the heats and vexatious altercations which they had formerly excited. The negociation with the Marattas, and the confequent treaty of Poonah, were entirely the work of the late majority in the fupreme council; and had been conducted and carried into execution, contrary to the known, if not avowed fenfe of the then minority. The public condemnation of the war entered into by the prefidency of Bombay, the difavowing of their treaty with Ragaboy, and the marked contempt fhewn in concluding a peace without their participation or counfel, could not but greatly irritate that body; and ferved to rivet them ftill fafter in their attachment to that extraordinary fyftem which they were purfuing with Ragonaut. They accordingly contrived every poffible obftacle to the performance of the conditions of the treaty; and the fimple act of proclaiming the peace was fo managed, as to throw an affront upon the Maratta go vernment. The fubfequent revolution which took place in the politics of the government of Bengal, coincided perfectly with the refentments entertained by the prefidency of Bombay. They accordingly took up, with fresh ardour, their late degraded fyftem, of procuring a revolution in the Maratta ftate; and war, intrigue, and conqueft, became the predominant principles of the Bombay government. Ragonaut Row either was, or his perfon in the hands of the Marattas. He was accordingly ftill retained and protected at Bombay; whilft his emiffaries and partizans, under the immediate eye of the British refidents at the court of Poonah, were indefatigable in their endeavours to foment diffention in the Maratta government. In the courfe of the year 1777, Monf. St. Lubin endeavoured to negociate a treaty on the part of France with the court of Poonah ; as a Mr. Bolts did about the fame time on that of the Emperor of Germany. Thefe circumftances, particularly the former, afforded a new ground, which was eagerly occupied for the fupport of Ragaboy, and the accomplishment of the wifhed for revolution in the Maratta government. Towards the clofe of the year, a difcontented party at Poonah entered into fome negociation with the Bombay refidents at that court, for the advancement of Ragonaut to power. Their propofals were eagerly embraced at Bombay; the agents were ordered to accede to them, to affure the malcontents of fupport, and to bring the treaty with them to an immediate conclufion. At the fame time, difpatches were immediately forwarded to the fupreme council at Calcutta, acquainting them with what had been determined, and requiring their acquiefcence and afliftance. It appears from fubsequent events, that the British agents were in feveral instances egregioutly mifled by the adherents of Ragonaut, or whatever other perfons they communicated with at the court of Poonah; par ticularly |