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PAGE 261 FREEMAN'S HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS 261 ANDERSON'S HISTORY OF SHORTHAND ALLARDYCE'S LIFE OF LORD KEITH 266 267 269 269 270 270-272 CAXTON'S FOUR SONS OF AYMON'; SHAKSPEARE IN LITERARY GOSSIP 272 272 274-277 SCIENCE THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH LITERATURE 278-282 282-283 We have spoken somewhat severely of this book. It is not pleasant to see a young man of some ability aping Mandeville or Hobbes, and attributing all human endeavour to the love of money. The errors of youth should be on the side of idealism. Yet let us conclude with a word of praise. Unsatisfactory as the author's special pleading on the text Beati possidentes may be, it has the great merit of clearness and readableness. It opens with a graphic scene typical of social inequality, and the line of argument deduced from this picture is carried on with great show of relevance throughout the book, each step being made clear to the reader. In these days of jottings and disconnected essays a merit of this kind deserves recognition. The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession earning a livelihood it is proved that no other conditions could effect the same end. With him, money is the motive power of all productive labour, with insignificant exceptions in the way of a few works of art and works of charity. But he has forgotten to inquire what money means to the majority of workers. It does not solely mean material enjoyment; it means power, social standing, 269 respect from others, and so on. What the better minds of the Socialist school aim at is to produce such a state of public opinion that these advantages should accrue, not to the possession of money, but to the performance of high class social functions. So that Mr. Mallock's main argument falls to the ground when he urges that without unequal distribution of money there would be no motive for productive labour. No Democrat of the present day argues that there should be no inequalities in the society of the future. Inequalities of capacity or social merit will be accompanied by inequalities of reward in the shape of social influence, say they. So shadows in the present book, and that that Mr. Mallock is only fighting with because he has not studied sufficiently the missing science—of human character. The reader who knows anything of the later developments of modern economics will be astonished to learn that the "missing science" to which Mr. Mallock's present book is to be a contribution is that of human character. If Mr. Mallock had taken the "he might, in some shape or other, deal more trouble to refer to Mr. and Mrs. Marshall's fully with the important reign of William Rufus, Economics of Industry,' now fast becoming turesque incident, in illustrations of personal a time than which none is richer alike in picthe standard elementary text-book on economics, he would have learnt that "the main character, and in a constitutional importance purpose of economics is to seek for the moral which is none the less weighty because it lies in a manner behind the scenes.' and social laws by which men's conduct is This hope it is pleasant to see fulfilled. The determined in the every-day work of their sketch of Rufus's reign which occupied one lives"; in short, that modern economics is the chapter of the earlier book has now been very science that he misses. But the know- amplified ledge displayed by him of economics is very the last thirteen years of the eleventh into two bulky volumes, and scanty and antiquated, while his whole line century are depicted with all the wealth of argument is rendered feeble by the of detail, all the vividness of narrative, all absence of any reference to a definite set of the fulness of local and personal knowledge, opponents. Mr. Bright and Mr. Herbert which distinguish Mr. Freeman's history of Spencer, Lassalle and Proudhon, are jumbled the Norman Conquest. But, it must be conup in a most confusing way. It is, of course, up in a most confusing way. It is, of course, fessed, the later part of the story falls in very convenient to play off the weaknesses of interest considerably behind the earlier. one set of opponents against the weaknesses The great event which gives unity to the of another set; but while convenience may earlier work, round which all other events lead to plausibility it cannot conduce to conviction in minds acquainted with the present group themselves as round a natural centre, viction in minds acquainted with the present is now too far in the background to make state of opinion on the subject. its presence felt. the Norman Conquest was not completed till It is a paradox to say that the kingdom. It is rather true that his Henry I. expelled Robert of Bellême from expulsion marks the establishment of a new system, as different from that which was essentially Norman as the latter was from that which was essentially Saxon. There was a reason why the story should stop with the death of William I.; there is none why it should stop with the death of his son. Social Equality: a Study in a Missing Science. By W. H. Mallock. (Bentley & Son.) THIS work chiefly deserves notice on account of its author. Mr. Mallock is the only one of the youngest generation of authors whose thoughts, such as they are, are his own; indeed, of the men whose minds have been formed in the "seventies," he is almost the only one who has attracted attention. As yet he has not betrayed any considerable capacity for speculation, his chief gift appearing to be a remarkable power of imitating the prose styles of the different leaders of thought a capacity quite different from the power of parodying verse, and far more rare. It is as a product of the "seventies" that Mr. Mallock is interesting; he stands out among the men who will in twenty years' time form what is termed the intellect of the country. But it is doubtful whether he is in any way representative of his generation, and the present work does not tend to remove the doubt. Throughout Mr. Mallock's previous productions there has been plainly discernible a tendency to support the accomplished fact. He is always prepared to think well of the status quo; like Providence, he is on the side of the winning battalions. Anything which, like rationalism and science, tends to disturb this, rouses his ire and causes him to point out how it derives all its moral force from the older order of things which it tends to overthrow. The same tendency pervades the present work. Against the modern striving for social equality Mr. Mallock urges the claims of social inequality, and argues that the very objects which Democrats aim at are only brought into, and kept in, existence by the stimulus of social inequality. Now of course there is always much to urge in favour of the status quo. It exists, and therefore complies with the conditions of existence. It does not, however, follow that because the system of "removable inequalities," to use Bagehot's phrase, has its advantages, it is therefore the best possible social system. Mr. Mallock's cardinal error consists in assuming that when it is shown that the present social conditions induce men to work beyond the mere necessity of Mr. Mallock's want of knowledge of the opinions he would attack comes out strikingly as possible in the position he as takes up about money. He is quite wrong, as has been already remarked, in supposing that it is money per se that Socialists object to. It is as much to inequality of culture as inequality of money that the best minds of the working classes object. They do not envy the higher classes their money; they do envy them their superior culture, and the envy is not ignoble. And surely Mr. Mallock will grant that quite sufficient inequality may be obtained without the accumulation of colossal fortunes. He protests strongly against the fact that three-quarters of the land of England are owned by so few persons that they could all be assembled together in one room being brought forward against large landholders. Surely it is a vivid way of putting an argument, even if it is not an argument in itself. level of the twelfth century, we fail to mark any notable step taken, any advance made by any of the elements of the nation. It cannot be said that monarchy or church, baronage or people, was any stronger or weaker at the end of Rufus's reign than when the Conqueror died. There was no legislation worthy of the name, no new institutions sprang into life, no great deeds were done. Some slight advance was made towards the conquest of Wales-how little the next two centuries serve to show. The incorporation of Cumberland was an important step, but otherwise no advance was made towards the conquest of Scotland. Ireland remained untouched. The partial and ill-established rule of Rufus in Normandy did nothing to prepare for the reconquest of the duchy, and Henry's first step was to renounce all claim to the lands over which his brother had held sway. The most important event of the reign, the quarrel between the king and Anselm, is only the first act of a drama which closes with the Reformation. The military history of the reign is not without its importance, but not one great battle, not one noteworthy feat of arms, breaks the monotonous tale of skirmishes and sieges, of marches and harryings, of expeditions planned only to be given up, which fills so large a space in Mr. Freeman's work. It does not follow from all this that nothing was done-that things were precisely the same at the end of the reign as at the beginning. But the changes and the growth of the time lie beneath the surface, and are only visible when some event like the siege of Bridgnorth brings them to light, and shows the silent process of national fusion which has been taking place. It is clear, then, that the reader of history, whether he reads for amusement or for a scientific purpose, cannot expect to find the same interest in this period as in many others. It is a period, as Mr. Freeman says, rich in picturesque incident and in illustrations of personal character. But the incidents lead to little, and the characters, except those of Anselm and Helias de la Flèche, hardly repay scrutiny. Mr. Freeman remarks also on the constitutional importance of the reign, but unfortunately his notices of constitutional affairs are only incidental. We should have been glad to exchange some pages of personal and local detail for a summary of the state of the Constitution at a time when the Government approached a tyranny more nearly than at any other time before the sixteenth century, and for a sketch of social life and manners or the condition of the lower and middle classes, for which works like Eadmer's Life of Anselm' furnish much interesting material. But it is perhaps unjust to expect this in a work which is clearly intended to be, and is in the first place, an exhaustive chronicle of events. History in Mr. Freeman's hands is essentially a narrative. For the deductions and generalizations which may some day or other be wrought into a philosophy of history; the accurate and exhaustive statement of all that can be known for certain about the facts and events of the past is the primary and indispensable condition. This work has yet to be done for the greater part of English history. We have to thank Mr. Freeman that for the periods which he has dealt with it need not be done again. The story of the "On the waterless hill which then was Salisbury, within the everlasting ditches of the earlier time, looking down on the field of battle which decreed that Britain should be English, and on the field of council which decreed that England should be one, Norman Osmund, the doctor of the ritual lore of England, had finished the work which Lotharingian Hermann had begun.” last forty years of the eleventh century has "Grandson of Godwine, grandson of Ælfgar, begotten, but not born, to the kingship of England, the child of the widow did not see the light in the City of the Legions till his father had found his cairn upon the rocks of Hastings, perhaps his tomb before the altar at Waltham. this power of association enables Mr. Freeman to group events round a certain centre in a very striking way. Speaking of the taking of St. Valery, he says (i. 228): Sometimes : both appeal to Rome from the tribunals of the kingdom. Now and then Mr. Freeman's opinions about modern politics are brought to light by their association with questions of an earlier day. Talking of the first Crusade, he says (i. 545): "The cry of the oppressed churches and nations of the East came up then, as it has come up in our own ears; and it was answered in those days as one only among Christian nations has been found to answer it in ours." This and several other passages of the same tenor show the strong feelings which a few years ago brought Mr. Freeman forward on the political stage, and can hardly belief in his impartiality as an historian. It is be said to have strengthened the popular interesting to observe, too, that his historical studies seem to have convinced him that between England and Ireland there exists a permanent incompatibility. "Much indeed," he says (ii. 304), ' had the eleventh century done towards welding the three elements of the isle of Britain into "In the history of England as a power-and one political whole...... Towards the impossible effect on the history of England as a people-whole, whatever either William may have the history of England as a power had no small work, forbidden by geography and history, of welding another great island into the same the taking of St. Valery is the beginning of a chain of events which leads on, not only to the fight of Tinchebrai and the first loss of Rouen, but to the fight of Crecy and the fight of Chastillon, to the taking of Boulogne and the loss of Calais." dreamed, neither had done anything." But with Mr. Freeman's opinions about modern politics we are not here concerned. It is more important to know what he has to tell about those of Rufus's day. The character of Rufus himself is, of course, no small element in the matter; the chief |