and call out troops, exercise all the functions of captaingeneral, and, in case of rebellion or sedition, proclaim martial law. He had likewise the nomination of the judges and all other officers. Nothing being left to the crown but the usual empty claim of the royal mines, Maryland became, what indeed the proprietor terms it, a separate monarchy.*

George, the first Lord Baltimore, died before the completion of the charter, which was therefore granted to his son Cecil, on whom devolved the establishment of the colony. He appears to have applied himself to the task with activity and judgment; and states that he spent upon it above £20,000 from his own funds, and an

*The charter which I have used is in the British Museum, without title-page, but dated 20th June, 8th year. See Bancroft, vol. i. p. 259, Chalmers, p. 201-205; but they have omitted some of its most important provisions.

equal sum raised among his friends. Warned by Virginian disasters, he avoided from the first all chimerical projects, and placed his establishment entirely on an agricultural basis. Every one who carried out five persons, male or female, paying their expenses, estimated at £20 each, was to receive 1000 acres. Those defraying their own charges got 100 for themselves, and the same for each adult member of their family; for children under six years, 50 acres. The rent was 2s. for each 100 acres. Lord Baltimore did not rule in person, nor, so far as we can trace, even visit the colony, at least till after the Restoration. Two of his brothers, however, acted successively as governors, and died there.

In November 1633, Leonard Calvert set sail with the first emigrants, consisting of about 200 persons, including a son of Sir Thomas Gerard, one of Sir Thomas Wiseman, and two of Lady Wintour. In February he touched at Point Comfort in Virginia, where his arrival was by no means acceptable; nevertheless Sir John Harvey, in obedience to the express orders of Charles, gave him a courteous reception. Early in March he entered the Potomac, to the people on the shores of which the sight of so large a vessel was quite new, and caused the utmost astonishment. The report was, that a canoe was approaching as big as an island, with men standing in it thick as trees in a forest; and they thought with amazement how enormous must have been the trunk out of which it had been hollowed. A piece of ordnance, resounding for the first time on the shores of this mighty river, caused the whole country to tremble. The intercourse, however, appears to have been judiciously conducted, and was, on the whole, very amicable. Calvert sailed up to Piscataqua, an Indian settlement nearly opposite the present site of Mount Vernon, where the chief received him with kindness, saying, "he would not bid him go, neither would he bid him stay; he might use his own discretion." On reflection, he considered the place too far up the river, and therefore the vessel was moved down to a tributary named then St George's,

and now St Mary's. Ascending it four leagues, he came to a considerable Indian town, named Yoacomoco; and being hospitably received, as well as pleased with the situation, he determined to fix his colony there. The werowannee accepted an invitation on board, and Sir John Harvey having just arrived from Virginia, the chief was led down to the cabin, and seated at dinner between the two governors. An alarm having spread among the people on shore that he was detained as a prisoner, they made the banks echo with shouts of alarm; the Indian attendants durst not go to them, but when he himself appeared on deck, they were satisfied. He became so much attached to the English as to declare, that if they should kill him he would not wish his death avenged, being sure that he must have deserved his fate. Amid these dispositions, it was not difficult to negotiate the formation of a settlement. For hatchets, hoes, knives, cloth, and other articles of probably very small original cost, the strangers not only obtained a large tract of land, but were allowed by the inhabitants to occupy immediately half of their village, with the corn growing adjacent to it, and, at the end of harvest, were to receive the whole. Thus our countrymen were at once comfortably established, without those severe hardships which usually attend an infant settlement.*

This good understanding was prolonged for a number of years; but at length, in 1642, the emigrants had the usual misfortune of being involved in a war with the natives. For two years they suffered all its distressing and harassing accompaniments, which, in 1644, were happily terminated by a treaty, the conditions of which, and some acts of assembly immediately following, seem to prove that the evil had arisen entirely from the interested proceedings of individuals. The prohibition of kidnapping the Indians, and of selling arms to them, show

* Relation of the Successful Beginnings of Lord Baltimore's Plantation. 1634, pp. 3, 4. A Relation of Maryland. Lond. 1635, pp. 2-4, 6, 9, 22.

the existence of these culpable practices. This peace was of long duration, and the Maryland government seem, on the whole, to have acted more laudably towards this race than any other, that of Penn excepted.* We turn now to the domestic administration; and here, if we may believe modern historians, Maryland was more fortunate than almost any other country that ever existed. It was, or at least ought to have been, a terrestrial paradise. Chalmers, Bancroft, and Grahame have vied with each other in panegyrics upon Lord Baltimore and his rule. "Never," says the first," did a people enjoy more real happiness, or were more grateful for it, than were the inhabitants of Maryland under Cecilius." Mr Bancroft, who gives full scope to his enthusiasm, asserts that it "was unsurpassed for happiness and liberty. Conscience was without restraint; a mild and liberal proprietary conceded every measure which the welfare of the colony required; domestic union, a happy concert between all the branches of government, an increasing emigration, a productive commerce, a fertile soil, united to perfect the scene of colonial felicity and contentment." As our inquiries have led us to adopt a view of the subject somewhat different, it may be necessary to enter into it at greater length, and in a more controversial tone, than were otherwise desirable. Even in perusing their narratives we were much surprised to find this favoured colony agitated by internal commotions, more frequent and violent than any other in America; and the reiterated assertions that the blame was always on the side of the governed, seemed to require confirmation. This impression has been strongly confirmed in examining several documents of the highest importance, unknown to our predecessors.† Chalmers, whom the

Bancroft, vol. i. p. 272. Chalmers, p. 216.

We may mention in particular the following:-The Lord Baltimore's Case concerning the Province of Maryland. Lond. 1653. Evidently written by his lordship himself, or under his direction.-Virginia and Maryland; or the Lord Baltimore's printed Case uncased and answered. London, 1655. A reply to

others have blindly followed, appears to us to have resolved to consider the Baltimores as a race of perfect beings, and every one opposed to them as the worst of mankind. To us they appear to be imbued with a full portion of human infirmity.

Our attention is first arrested by the following painful transaction. Captain William Cleyborne, a man of large property, and holding high offices in the colonial government, had opened a considerable trade in furs and other articles on the upper part of the Chesapeake, and even established a settlement on Kent island, where he expended upwards of £6000. The proprietor forthwith called upon him to yield up all these establishments as lying within the range of his patent. Cley borne, very little disposed to consent, referred the claim to the council of Virginia. who expressed their astonishment that it should ever have been even mentioned. The demand certainly appears to have been one of extreme hardship. The captain some years before had received from the king a patent for trade, though not indeed for plantation; but this last object was attended with such expense, hazard, and

the above. Among other important documents it contains the Report of a Committee of the House of Commons on the affairs of Maryland.-An additional brief Narrative of a late bloody Design against the Protestants in Ann Arundel Country and Severn in Maryland, as also of the extraordinary Deliverance of those poor oppressed People. Set forth by Roger Heamans, Commander of the ship Golden Lyon, an Eye-witness. A Relation, by a zealous Puritan, of the chief civil Contest in the Colony. Hammond v. Heamans; an Answer to an audacious Pamphlet by an impudent and ridiculous Fellow named Roger Heamans, &c. By a Sufferer in those Calamities. An imbittered reply; but contains useful information and documents.

The following may be quoted as completing the materials for the chief civil contest.

Babylon's Fall in Maryland. By John Strong. 1655. A zealous puritan pamphlet, as its strange title imports.-Refutation of a false and scandalous Pamphlet, entitled Babylon's Fall, &c. by John Langford. As he states himself to have been twenty years in Lord Baltimore's service, there seems little room for the implicit faith with which his views have been received. He appears, however, an honest man, not guilty of intentional

misstatements.